CONSTANTIN VON NEURATH, defendant, took the stand and testified as follows:
BY THE PRESIDENT:
Q What is your name, please?
Q Will you repeat this oath after no: I swear by God, the Almighty and Omniscient, that I will speak the pure truth and will withold and add nothing, (The witness repeated the oath.)
THE PRESIDENT: You may sit down. BY DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN (Counsel for defendant von Neurath): family background, your education, and your schooling?
A I was born on 2 February 1873. On my father's side I come from an old family of civil servants. My father, my grandfather, and my greatgrandfather were ministers in Wuertemberg. On my mother's side I come from a noble family. the ancestors of which were generally officers in the Imperial Austrian Army. particular emphasis being put upon the duty of truthfulness, responsibility, patriotism and Christianity, with Christian tolerance for ether religions.
Q And then you went to the university; whore and what did you study? Berlin. I studied law, and I passed the state examinations. you were appointed Reich Foreign Minister?
A In 1901 I joined the Foreign Service of the Reich. First of all, I worked at the central office in Berlin, and then in 1903 I was posted to the Consul Generals' office in London. From there I returned to the Foreign Office , and I worked in all the departments of that office.
THE PRESIDENT: When?
THE WITNESS: 1914.
THE PRESIDENT: Do you mean you were in London eleven years?
THE WITNESS: Yes. Then I was posted to Constantinople as a consul of the Embassy, and at the end of 1916 I retired from the diplomatic service because of differences between the policy of Chancellor BethmannHollweg and my own ideas. Then I b ecame the head of the cabinet of the King of Wuertemberg until the revolution at the end of 1918.
In February 1910 the Social Democarat People'sCommissioner Ebert requested me to rejoin the diplomatic service. I did so, with the reservation that I might maintain my political attitude,and then I became Ambassador to Denmark, where my principal task was to handle the difficulty that we had with Denmark because of the so-called Schleswig question.
In December 1921 I became the Ambassador to the Quirinal in Rome, where I remained until 1930.
There I experienced the fascist Revolution, with its bloody events and effects. At the outset I had several arguments with Mussolini, which gradually, however, developed into considerable confidence which he on his part had in me. in December 1914 I was decorated for bravery before the enemy with the Iron Cross, First Class. I was wounded, and thereupon I was returned to my assignment in Constantinople.
Q What is your attitude toward church and religion? and at all times I have considered the Christian church and Christian morals to be the basis of the state. Again and again I tried to suppress the antichurch attitude of certain circles of the Party when talking to Hitler. In the case of excesses committed by Party org anizations and individuals against the church and the cloisters and so on, I have always, so far as I was able, tried to suppress them and have intervened.
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: Mr. President, a this connection I should like to draw your attention to the affidavit given by Provincial Bishop Wurm at Stuttgart, and I should like to quote from it. This affidavit is Number 1 in my document book number 1. I quote:
"I met Herr von Neurath at the time of the church struggle. I thought that I might turn to him because he came from the same county as I did and because he was a descendant of a family which was friendly toward the Protestant churches. His father was a member of the Provincial Synod. I have not been disappointed in this confidence. He has received me frequently and often has arranged for conferences between myself and other members of the Reich Cabinet. In particular, he helped me in the autumn of 1934, together with the Minister of Justice Dr. of Interior Dr. Frick and the Reich Minister of Justice Dr. Guertner, when there were illegal interventions on the part of Reich Bishop Ludwig Mueller and when, because of resistance against the domination of the churches through the German Christians, I had been removed from my office and interned in my apartment. He achieved my release from detention and my re-instatement as Bishop.
He also brought about a discussion in the Reich Chancellery.
, the result of which was that the illegal legislation which the Reich Bishop had been responsible for was withdrawn. Also in later periods of the church struggle, I always found a friendly reception and the fullest understanding on his part for the requests of the church."
May I also, in this connection, refer to the document which appears under the number 2 of my document book?
It is an affidavit from an old, intimate friend of the defendant, the solicitor and attorney, Manfred Zimmerman, in Berlin.
May I quote just a brief passage from this affidavit?
THE PRESIDENT: I don't think it is necessary to read all of it. The Tribunal will, of course, consider it.
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: Very well, but actually, the reason I had attached importance to it was because the second document comes from a man who has known the defendant intimately for over forty years. I was interested, for that reason, that next to the declaration of Bishop Wurm I should also quote from a man who shared the daily life of von Neurath and know him.
However, Mr. President, if you believe that it is not necessary for me to read it here, then I shall only refer to it.
THE PRESIDENT: You need not read it at all, but you can draw our attention to the most material passages.
DR. VON LEUDINGHAUSEN: Yes, Mr. President, that is the passage which I was going to quote. It is on page 5 of that affidavit, under number 5. It begins:
"Constantin von Neurath, according to his family, education, and development, is a man whose personality is established in every respect." I shall not quote the remainder. the name of Roller, and the Mayor of Enzweihinger, which is the municipality from which Von Neurath originates. Those have the number 24 in my document book number 1. BY DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN:
Q Mr. von Neurath, what was your attitude towards the Jewish problem?
A I have never been an anti-Semitic person. My Christian and humanitarian convictions would have prevented me from being that. A repression of the undue Jewish influence in all sectors of public and cultural life, as it had developed after the first World War in Germany, however, was regarded by me as desirable.
But all measures of force were turned down by me, just as was the propaganda against the Jews.
The entire racial policy of the National Socialist Party was considered wrong by me, and for that reason I fought against it. stem the tide of their being carried through, and non-Aryan members of the Foreign Office were held by me as long as was possible. However, After the Party had received the decision regarding the promotion of civil servants, it was difficult to confine myself to defending individual persons. I did enable several of them, to emigrate. the Party, and, in spite of the emphatic protests, in Nurnberg, it was passed.
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: May I draw yourattention, in this connection, to a document from which I shall quote a brief sentence. It is an affidavit from the former Ambassador Kurt Pruefer, which is number 4 in my document book. Ambassador Pruefer was a Ministry Director in the Foreign Office when von Neurath was Foreign Minister. May I quote briefly? This refers to his attitude towards civil servants of a different religion.
THE PRESIDENT: Will you give us the page?
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: It is page 9 of the German.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, and our page 21?
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: Yes "Von Neurath has, in many cases, used his influence on behalf of officials of the Foreign Office of another religion who, because of their race, their religion, or their original corrections to other parties, were being objected to by the National Socialist . Thus, until Hindenburg's death, and as long as Neurath still had full power in all questions relating to civil servants, a number of officials of Jewish or mixed blood remained in their positions.
Infact, there were even me promotions of such officials.
"Only after Hindenburg's death, when the Reich Ministers, as well as other department chiefs, were told by a Fuehrer decree that they were no longer entitled to make final decisions in a 1 questions of civil servants, which powers were then transferred to the deputy of the Fuehrer, did it happen that the radicalism of the Party penetrat into this sector too, which, particularly after Neurath's resignation, adopted ore and mere severe forms "
THE PRESIDENT: Which answer was that?
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: That was the affidavit of the former Ambassado Pruefer.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I know that. I wanted to know which answer it was.
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: I see -- number 4. It is an affidavit, it isn't an interrogatory in that sense.
THE PRESIDENT: It is paragraphed in our copy, at any rate.
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: Number 18; it is the answer to question number 18. of Munich. Baroness Ritter is a distant relative of the defendant. She is the widow of the former Bavarian Ambassador to the Holy See. She *---* von Neurather for many years, and she knows his train of thought intimately. quite from page 3, just one short passage:
"The same tolerant attitude as he had displayed towards Christian questions was also displayed by von Neurath towards the Jewish questions. Therefore, he refuted Hitler's racial policy fundamentally. In practice he actually succeeded in preventing any elimination of Jews under his jurisdiction until the year 1937.
"Furthermore, he helped, whenever possible, all persons who were close to him professionally and who had been affected by the legislation concerning Jews, in so far as he was able, in order to deliver them from financial and other disadvantages." BY DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN:
Q Mr. von Neurath, what was your attitude toward Hitler's anti-Jewish tendencies and measures?
A In them I saw anti-Semitism. It wasn't altogether rare in the German people, but normally, however, it hadn't had any practical results. I protested to Hitler concerning any excesses of which I knew, and not only for foreign political reasons. I suggested that he should hold back Goebbels, and particularly Himmler.
Q In this connection I should like to interpose, a question. What did you know about the activities and excesses committed by the Gestapo, the SA, and the SS respectively? witness Gisevius, who appeared here same tine ago. He said:
"Above that, I submitted to one of his closest associates, Ambassador von Buelow, as much material as I possible could." that material repeatedly. Are we more concerned with material which is supposed to refer to accesses, particularly against foreigners, of course? generally had to inform me about the activities of the Gestapo, is a very incorrect guess. Officially, through complaints from Ambassadors and Charges d'affaires, I heard of rows and street fights and arrests carried out by the Police and the SA. I knewnothing about the general institution of the Gestapo and its activities. Minister of the Interior and Chief of the Gestapo should explain the matter to me, and then I demanded that the guilty party should be punished.
Q. What did you know, or, respectively, how much did you hear about concentration camps? When did you first hear of this institution altogether, and when, if at all, did you hear of the conditions which prevailed in those camps?
A. The institution of the so-called concentration camps was known to me from the Boer War. The existence of such camps in Germany, however, became known to me, I should think, approximately at the end of 1934 or the beginning of 1335 when two officials from my office, amongst them the chief secretary, who has been mentioned by Gisevius, were suddenly arrested. When I investigated their whereabouts, I discovered that they had been removed to a so-called concentration camp. there were very servious arguments between the two and myself; and upon my immediate complaint to Hitler, these two officials were released. Subsequently I asked them how they had been treated, and both of them concurred when they told me that apart from the lack of freedom, the treatment had not been had at all. Oranienburg. Later on I learned of the existence of a camp at Dachau, and in 1939 I also board of Buchenwald, because the Czech students who had been arrested by Himmler were taken there. particular of the treatment of the prisoners or even of the extermination camps I only hear here in Nurnberg.
Q. By whom and when were you appointed Reich foreign minister, and how did that appointment happen?
A. I was appointed foreign minister on the 2nd of June, 1932, by Reich President von Hindenburg. As early as 1929, after Stresemann's death, Hindenburg had intended to appoint me foreign minister. At that time, I had refused, because considering the party conditions existing in the Reichstag in those days I saw no possibility for an able foreign policy. I was not a member of any of the thirty parties, so that I would have had no support in the Reichstag of those days.
Q. In this connection -
A. Just one moment.
Q. I beg your pardon.
A. Hindenburg, however, obtained my promise that I would follow his cause if the fatherland should find itself in an emergency.
DR. von LUEDINGHAUSEN: In this connection, may I quote the telegram with which the Foreign Office was informing con Neurath of the fact that the Reich President desired that he should serve the government in a leading position? The telegram has the exhibit number 6 in my document book.
"For the Ambassador personally.
"To be diciphered by himself.
"Berlin, 31 May 1932".
"The Reich President requests you, in view of your prior favorable statements, to take over the Foreign Ministry in the presidential cabinet about to be formed, which will be made up of right wing personalities free from political party allegiance and ** ** rest less upon the Reichstag than upon the authority of the Reich President. The Reich President addresses an urgent appeal to you not to refuse your services to the Fatherland in these serious hour. Should you not be able immediately to give a favorable answer, please come immediately." the Foreign Office. from the chief of the political department of the Foreign Office referring to Neurath's appointment to the post of Reich Foreign Minister, a letter which had been written to Ambassador Ruemelin at the time. The author of the letter is the ministry director Dr. Koepke, and he will be examined before this Tribunal to confirm the correctness of the letter; that is to say, the fact that this is an actual copy of the original addressed to the Ambassador.
I should assume, therefore, that at this moment I need not read from the document.
The document as such is Exhibit No. 8 in my document book. BY DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN:
Q Did you light-heartedly decide to follow von Hindenburh's cal and take that difficult post, probably difficult in those days?
A No, no, not at all. I was not in the least bit keen about taking over that tricky post of Foreign Minister. I should have liked very much to remain at my post as ambassador in London, because I had a very excellent position with reference both to the government and the royal family, and I was hoping therefore, that I should be able to be of service to both countries, Great Britain and Germany.
However, I could not simply overlook Hindenburg's appeal, but even then I decided only when I had had a lengthy personal discussion with him during which I stated my own ideas regarding German policy to him, and during which I assured myself of his support for the peaceful aims and the aim of equality for Germany. There should be a strengthening of his position within Germany, and there was to be a reestablishing of Germany's entire sovereignty.
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: May I in this connection refer to a document already quoted? It is the affidavit of the former ambassador Pruefer, which I have included in my document book under No. 4. May I quote from this document, sub-paragraph 7, which refers ro the appointment of the defendant by Hindenburg? In my German text, this is Page 27.
"In the circles of higher-up functionaries of the Foreign office none of whom at that time were in sympathy with National Socialism, it was a welll known fact that when appointing Hitler as Reich Chancellor Hindenburg had, so to speak, attached the condition that Neurath should remain in office as foreign Minister. Baron Neurath was in no way anxious to obtain this office when he assumed it in 1932. On the contrary, as early as 1929, when Hindenburg had asked him to accept the ministerial post, he had declined on the ground that, not being a member of a party and thus being without party support, he could not consider appointment to a ministry as suitable in a country ruled according to the parliamentary principle. It was not until 1932, when Reich President von Hindenburg, whom he venerated deeply, formed his first so-called presidential cabinet, that Neurath dropped his scruples and entered the cabinet as foreign minister.
BY DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: time? such an extent that I was of the opinion that there were obviously only two possibilities: Either there would have to be some participation of the * National Socialist Party, which had grown considerably in the government, or should this demand be turned down, there would have to be civil war. the details of Hitler's seizure of power have been described by the defendant von Papen.
attitude towards Hitler, the National Socialists generally and the National Socialists' idea in particular, what was your opinion about the Party?
A I didn't know Hitler personally. Theo methods of the Party during their fight for power in the State were dispised by me. Some of then, particularly in the social sphere, appeared good to me and others I considered to be a phenomena of a revolution which I thought would dwindle gradually, as I had observed it to happen during the German revolution in 1918 and later during the Fascist revolution in Italy also. On the whole, however, I refused to sympathize with them; in any case, I considered in those days that s decisive role played by Hitler in the National Socialist Party, in German foreign policy r even its being led by Hitler was considered by me to be wrong and certainly not in the interests of Germany but least of all in the Interests of German foreign policy.
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: May I in this connection refer to another passage from the affidavit of Ambassador Pruefer which I should like to quote. It is No. 4 in my document book and it is on page 28. It is interesting ** so far as Pruefer was an official of the defendant's ministry: "B*ron on Neurath was not a National Socialist. By unbringing and addition he even was decidedly agains the doctrines of National Socialism, to the extent that they endorse radical and violent principles. This dislike which he did not attempt to conceal was particularly directed against processes of Party Spokesmen towards people with different views, especially with regard to the Jews and persons of partly Jewish ancestry; beyond that against the all-around into ference of the National Socialist party in every vital expression of the German people and state; in other words against the claim of totalitarianism, the Fuehrer principle, briefly against dictatorship. Especially during the years 1986, until early 1938, when in my "capacity as head of the budget and personnel section I saw him very frequently, Baron von Neurath expressed himself to me and to others in unmistakable terms as to how much concern and aversion he felt toward the progressively more extreme tendency in German internal and foreign policy."
Mr. President, may I also beg the Tribunal to take judicial notice of the interrogatory of Count Schwerin Krosigk, the former Reichsminister of Finance, which is contained in my document book under No. 25. BY DR. VON LUSDINGHAUSEN: thoughts and principles, what was your attitude towards the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations? Treaty which was bringing disorder to the economic system of the entire world, we find the roots of National Socialism and in that way the causes of the second world war. By combining this Treaty with the League of Nations and by making the League of Nations, sha we say, the guardian of this Treaty, its original purpose, namely, that of creating understanding amongst the nations and preserving the peace, became impossible. The Charter allowed for the possibility. When the United States had withdrawn from participating and when Russia and later Japan were also standing outside this so-called League of Nations, its majority consisted only of a meeting of interested parties who were interested in maintaining the status quo, of status quo, mind you, which had been created by means of the Treaty of Versailles. Instead of removing the tension which appeared again and again, it was the aim of this League not to alter the existing state of affairs at all-that a great and living nation discriminated against, as it was by the Versailles Treaty could not stand for this; that was something which any statesman who was a little farsighted would recognize and it was not only in Germany that it was pointed out gain and again that this would load to a nasty and. Even Gene**, however, the playground of brilliant orators and politicians, was deaf to that argument. It is an undeniable historic fact that German foreign policy under all governments preceding Hitler's was aiming at a change in the Treaty of Versailles, though exclusively by peaceful means.
Q Was this also Hindenburg's policy or would Hindenburg have been accessivle to another shall we say, forcible solution by means of war? tools for that purpose. He told me again and a pain that a new war would have to be a voided at all costs.
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: Mr. President, may I draw your attention in this connection and ask you to take judicial notice of an extract from a speech made by Count Bernstorff, who was Germany's representative in the League of Nations? The speech was made on the 25th of September 1928 and can be found under No 34 in my document book No. 2. The translation, however, has not yet *** available. It will be submitte , I hope, on Monday. I also refer to and beg you to take judicial notice of an extract from me speech of former Reichschancellor Bruening at Kiel, which he made on the 19th of May 1931, and which is No. 36 in my document book No. 2. Then there is an extract from the speech made by former Reich Foreign Minister Curtius, who was the successor and friend of the deceased Reichschancellor Stresemann, which Curtius made to the League of Nations Assembly.
SIR DAVID MAXWELL FYFE: My Lord, I was telling Mr. von Luedinghausen that I have got Volume 2. I don't know if the Tribunal have the English translation.
THE PRESIDENT: No, I don't think we have. Sir David, have the prosecution agreed to the relevancy, the admissibility of these documents?
SIR DAVID MAXWELL FIFE: My Lord, we are not going to make an objection Jo short references as have been done so far. Your Lordship will appreciate that I have already stated the position of the prosecution with regard to the Treaty of Versailles, but as long as it as kept within reasonable bounds as a matter of introduction, I am not taking any formal objection.
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. von Luedinghausen, the Tribunal has ruled out of evidence of variety of documents which are alleged to show the injustice of the Treaty of Versailles; as the prosecution have adopted the attitude which they have, the Tribunal will regard these as more historical documents but the matter is really irrelevant.
The only question is whether the defendants have attempted to overturn the Treaty of Versailles by force. We are not concerned with the justice or injustice.
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: I know, Mr. President, and that wasn't the reason why I submitted the document. I did not wish to state criticisms with reference to the Versailles Treaty. I wanted to establish the fact that previous governments, too, had had the same aims with peaceful means which my client later pursued in his capacity as Reich Foreign Minister also, so that under his direction, therefore, there were no changes whatever in the tendency and targe of Germany's foreign policy with reference foreign powers. That was the only reason and not criticism as such.
THE PRESIDENT: I know, Dr. Luedinghausen, but all the evidence that the defendant has been giving in the last few minutes was criticism of the injustice of the Treaty of Versailles.
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: Yes, that was his general introdcution but now we are only trying to prove the continuity of this policy. BY DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: the foreign policy of the Reich, with reference to the questions which we have just treated or dealt with? cal problem could only be achieved by peaceful means and step by step. It was a prerequisite, of course, that there should be complete equality for Germany in every sector and that, of course, therefore includes the military field. it would also mean the restoration of sovereignty in the entire Reich and the end to any discrimination. To achieve this, at any rate, would be the first task of Germany's foreign policy.
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: Mr. President, in this connection, I should once more like to refer you to the affidavit from Ambassador Dr. Pruefer, which is No. 4 in my document book and I should like, with permission of the Tribunal, to quote for the purpose of underlining the statement just made by the defendant.
I quote from paragraph 12: "Neurath's policy was one of international understanding, and peace. This policy was not in contradiction with the fact that Herr von Neurath also strove for a revision of the hardships resulting from the Versailles Treaty. However, he wanted to bring this about exclusively through negotiations, in no case by force. All his utterances and directives, which as his assistant I over heard or saw, tended in that direction. The fact that Baron Neurath considered himself as a defender of the peace is perhaps best illustrated by a statement he made when leaving the foreign office. He declared at that time among a small group of his colleagues that now war could probably no longer be avoided. He probably meant by this that from now on the foreign policy would be transferred from his hands into those of reckless persons."
Q Mr. von Neurath, you agreed entirely with Hindenberg regarding total refusal of the employment of force for the purpose of achieving this aim of yours, namely, the changes you wished to be made in the Treaty of Versailles, and you did consider the achievement of that a possibility and you were a convinced opponent of any military conflagration, which you considered the greatest misfortune not only for Germany but for the entire world ?
A Yes. Germany and the whole world were still suffering from a terrible economic crisis which had been caused by the regulations of the Treaty of Versailles. Any further military steps, therefore, could only lead to a huge disaster. activities as Foreign Minister, the meeting of the so-called Restoration Commission began in Lausanne and you end the new Reich Chancellor, von Papen, participated. Will you tell us very briefly what the purpose of that conference was ? been definitely fixed, were now to be removed formally or to be decided clearly in their final sum, an aim which was actually achieved.
Q At the same time, wasn't there a meeting of the Disarmament Conference at Geneva ? place.
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN : Mr. President, in this connection, and for the purpose of general understanding, I should like to point out to you that the institution of the Disarmament Conference goes back to a resolution passed by the League of Nations on the 25th of September, 1928, during which the close connection between international security -- that is to say pence, the peace of Europe in general -- and the limitation of armament in general was being enphasized. In this connection, I should like to draw your attention to the text of the resolution passed by the League of Nations, which has No.33 in my document book. That is on Page 90 of Document Book 2. BY DR. VON LEUDINGHAUSEN : negotiations ?
A Yes, but than of course to give you a brief account is vary difficult.
The Disarmament Conference had been created by the League of Nations for the purpose of taking care of the disarmament of all states, which was provided for in Article 8, and which was to be the basis for the German disarmament which had already been carried out by 1927. The negotiations during that Disarmament Conference, and in spite of objections raised by Germany's representatives, were adjourned however. The previous negotiations and this adjournment made it abundantly clear, even at that early stage, that those states which had not disarmed were not prepared to carry through their own disarmament in accordance with the applicable measures and methods of Germany's previous disarmament. At this time a resolution which was proposed became inacceptible to Germany and the German Representative received his instructions, therefore, to declare that Germany would not participate in the negotiations of the Disarmament Conference any more until the equal participation of Germany in the results of the conference should be recognized.
THE PRESIDENT : Dr. von Luedinghausen, shall we adjourn now ?
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN : Yes, Mr. President.
( A recess was taken.)
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN : Mr. President, in regard to the question just answered, I should like to refer to various documents and ask you to take note of then. I have submitted, in my document book No.2, under No.40, excerpts from the German memorandum of the 29th of August, 1932; excerpts from an interview of von Neurath with the representative of the (W.T.B.), the official news bureau of the German Reich, No. 45 of Document Book 2; an excerpt from a letter of the Defendant to the President of the Disarmament Conference, No. 43 of my Document Book No. 2; and finally, I should like to refer to a speech of the German representative in Geneva at the Disarmament Conference, which is No. 39 in my Document book, which shows the development and the attitude of the Defendant and also the German policy toward the disarmament negotiations which were started on the 16th at the Disarmament Conference.
BY DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN:
Q. Mr. von Neurath, in the documents submitted you emphasized that the disarmament question must be solved exclusively by peaceful means, and that no force could be used. Was this actually your conviction and did it represent the line of your policy?
A. Yes. During the whole period when I was Reich Foreign Minister, no means were used which were not the general practice and permitted internationally.
Q. On the 16th, the negotiations in the disarmament conference were to begin again. What was the result of this meeting of the disarmament conference?
A. First, the disarmament conference dwindled away, but later a so-called Five-Power Statement was issued in December 1932. This statement referred to Germany's claim for equal rights, and the listing of discriminations, and recognized the German claims. that Germany's equal rights were recognized for all time. Therefore, from Part 5 of the Versailles Treaty with reference to the obligation undertaken by the signatory powers for general disarmament, Germany could put into effect her right to resign. To this Five-Power Declaration, the prerequisite was given of Germany's taking part in the disarmament conference.
DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN: Mr. President, I should like to refer to the text of the Five-Power Declaration on the 11th of December 1932. It is No. 47 in my document Book No. 2. That was the time before the seizure of power. Now, in January 1933 Hitler was appointed Reich Chancellor and then there was the so-called seizure of power by the NSDAP. BY DR. VON LUEDINGHAUSEN:
Q. Now, did you participate in any form whatever in this seizure of power, in the appointment of Hitler as Reich Chancellor?
A. No, I had no part in any stage of the negotiations regarding the appointment of Hitler as Reich Chancellor. No one, not even the Reich President and certainly no party leader asked me for my opinion. I had no close relations with any party leader, especially the leaders of the National Socialist Party.