And following this quotation, there is another quotation 27 June M LJG 3-1 from the affidavit of Dr. Scharping which I have already submitted as Fritsche Exhibit No. 2. It is on page 11 of this affidavit.
I quote;
" The radio people and the journalists knew Fritsche's tolerance quite well. It repeatedly happened that Fritsche at his conferences had, for example, a copy of the Voelkischer Beobachter in his hand and commented ironically on an anti-Jewish article. I recall that one time he expressed his criticism in about the following words,'A Berlin paper' -- then he held the Voelkischer Beobachter up so that everyone could see it -- 'has once more, in an editorial, hit more than two birds with one stone. Perhaps the publisher will succeed in getting the right stone."
"With such ironical remarks, Fritsche always had the approval of his listeners, but there was some danger for him, for Goebbels daily read the records of these press conferences." BY DR. FRITZ:
Q Mr. Fritsche, following the statement of Lt. General Dittmar, one question: Did you feel yourself to be an enemy of the system, or how does General Dittmar come to this statement?
A I was not an enemy of the system. It would be ridiculous and unworthy to try to assert that today. But I was definitely an opponent of all misuse of the system which I could recognize. The one which I noticed the most, because it was in my field of work, was whitewashing of news during the war. The aim of all my news policy was realism, and apparently that is what General Dittmar means in the part of his statement which has been read here. the moment when the Sixth German Army at Stalingrad was surrounded, but when this fact was still being kept secret from the German people. Together with General Dittmar, I publicly announced the fact that the S ixt Army was surrounded at Stalingrad, against the prohibition.
This caused a great sensation at the time.
27 June M LJG 3-2 General Dittmar and his realistic presentation of the military situation against all attacks, especially against the attacks of the P arty, but also the attacks of the Foreign Office which repeatedly pointed out that these objective presentations of Dittmar had a bad effect on Germany's allies. later -- and I ask permission to mention this briefly -- I waged a desperate battle against the irresponsible propaganda of miracle weapons. Only one year after Dr. oebbels had mentioned miracle weapons, I mentioned a new type of weapon for the first time. Speer has mentioned SS Standartenfuehrer Berg, who is said to have carried on secret propaganda for the miracle weapon in connection with the Prop agenda Ministry. He wrote an article in Das Reich which attracted much attention, with the sensational heading. "we, the Bearers of Secrets." I had to fight against such things.
Another especially striking example was this. Another member of the SS, Hernau, wrote, at the moment when the invasion had succeeded, an article in which he presented the situation as if the evacuation of France had been a very secret trick of the German Command, which was only creating the possibility for a very strong counter-blow. I prohibited this article in my field, and I repeatedly had to oppose the irresponsible rumors which were spread in secret about mysterious weapons. I did so publicly, and I spoke on the radio against this propaganda. the war my superiors always made promises to me, first, of a military offensive which was just being prepared, for instance, a thrust from East Prussia toward the south, a thrust from Upper Silesia to the Vistula, a thrust from Alsace toward the north, and so forth. Hand in hand with these promises which were worked out in detail were the political promises which were mentioned briefly yesterday, the descriptions given by Dr. Goebbels that foreign political negotiations were in progress with one or 27 June M LJG 3-3 another enemy.
Q Another question: Who was in charge of press policy?
A Reich Press Chief Dr. Dietrich. He gave quite specialized instructions, mostly in a wording which was strictly said, the so-called slogan of the day of the Reich Press Chief. Generally he gave the commentaries which were to be added to the press conference.
For the most part, Dr. Dietrich was at the Fuehrer's headquarters and received his instructions directly from Hitler. Dr. Dietrich's representatives were Sudndermann and Lorenz. Reichsleiter Amann who was at the head of the organization of publishers. The third factor was Dr. Goebbels as Reich Propaganda Minister. Dietrich and Amann were formally subordinate to him; in fact, both had equal authority with him and I always had to adjust differences or coordinate between these three authorities. news service?
A Yes, I did create this organization. On principle, it originated with me. I may refer to my affidavit, 3469-PS, Point 17. I took care of the journalistic news service from about 1934 to 1938. I was proud of the fact that at the beginning of the war the enemy even recognized the good functioning of this news machine. At that time, I was no longer the head of this news service department. However, as an expert I created this organization in peacetime without thinking of its possibility of use during war. The conclusion of the Prosecution that I determined the contents of the news service is not correct. was the most fabulous lie factory of all times. What do you have to say about this?
the following quite clear. I state under oath, in newly serious 27 June M LJG 3-4 questions of policy and conduct of war, I did not commit a single falsification and did not consciously speak a single lie.
as to the revelations of this trial. The same is true as far as I know of all my fellow-workers but I do not by any means want to deny that I and my fellow-workers selected news and quotations according to a tendency. It is the curse of propaganda during war that one works only with black and white and there are only a few great spirits. I believe that this painting in black and white is a luxury which one cannot afford anymore. only judge of the twelve sections, the one of which I was in charge at any time. But to my knowledge it is a mistake to believe that in the Propaganda Ministry thousands of little lies were thought out. In detail we worked quite cleanly and honestly, technically completely so. If we had lied in a thousand small things the enemy would have been able to deal with us more easily than was the case. But decisive for us for such a news machine is not the detail but the final fundamental basis on which propaganda is built. Decisive is the belief in the purity of the leaders of the state, on which every journalist must rely and this basis was shaken by what has become known today; of mass murders, senseless atrocities and it is shaken by the doubt in the honesty of Hitler's protestations for peace, the details of which I am in no position to judge.
Q. In this trial it has been pointed out that there are no regulations under international law on the use of propaganda in war and peace.
A. I know very well that international law places no boundries on propaganda especially propaganda during war. I also know very well that only in a very few, individual treaties between states are there regulations about the use of propaganda; for example in the German-Polish treaty and in the GermanSoviet Union treaty. But in all my life as a journalist I have emphasized that the lack of international regulations as to propaganda is no pass for lies. I always felt and emphasized the responsibility of the journalist. I did so long before the war in an international discussion with radio Luxembourg but I need not go into that here. wish -- I wanted to account for where in the system was the limit of idealism and sacrifices and where there were lies and the brutality which was not afraid of committing crimes.
Q. Please give us examples of cases wherein you felt you were deceived ?
A. During this trial the news was discussed that at the beginning of the Polish war there was news of the attack on the Gleiwitz radio station. At that time I firmly believed in the correctness of the official German news. I need say nothing about this case. talk with Grand Admiral Raeder I realized that it was actually a German submarine which sank the "Athenia". Up to that time I had firmly believed in the truth of the official German report that there had been no German submarine in the neighborhood. I asked my lawyer to pick out what I had said in my radio speeches about the "Athenia" case, things which would really speak against me but which, on the other hand, show that I worked not alone on the basis of the official German news but that I also collected the news which supported the official German version; for example, the fact which was not at first made public and therefore was suspicious, that the wreck of the "Athenia" one day after the catastrophy, was sunk by being shelled by British destroyers, which is a matter, of course, in the interest of shipping but which at the time seemed to be to me an occasion for suspicion. I also used American news on the same subject. But the most impressive false news of which I was a victim was given out in the last few days of the war. I must describe it in the interest of clearing matters up. Berlin were told that a relief army, the Weng Army, was marching on Berlin; that there was no more fighting on the western front. The news was given out that Ribbentrop had gone to the Western Front and had concluded a treaty three and handbills were printed in Berlin which contained approximately this text; "Soldiers of the Weng Army, we Berliners know that you are as far as Petsdam. Hurry, help us." existed and had already been captured. These handbills were dropped over Berlin ostensibly by mistake and were to give the inhabitants of Berlin new courage. That was done in the days when Hitler, according to Speer's testimony, had already told his entourage that there was no use trying to do anything for the rest of the German people.
DR. FITZ: Mr. President, the two radio speeches which the defendant Fritsche has mentioned, dealing with the "Athenia" case are in the document Fritsche Exhibit Number 1, which I submitted yesterday. I refer only to the contents of these radio speeches. BY DR. FRITZ:
Q. please give examples of untruths which you know and which you did not consider lies ?
A. One example is the so-called "V" drive. A colonel, a British colonel on the British radio proclaimed this "V" drive, Colonel Britton, this "Victory" drive. On the same evening I stood before a German microphone and said, appare tly harmlessly --"We will have a "V" drive, the "V" stands for Victoria."
Then Colonel Britton said that I had stolen the "V" from him. I said that was not the case, I thought of it first.
Q. If you thought you were operating only with the truth, why your sharp language, why the prohibition against listening on the radio to foreign stations ?
A. I have already emphasized in my affidavit that in my opinion the sharpness of my language was less than that of my opponents. The prohibition against listening to foreign radio stations was issued against my will. For me this prohibition was only a hindrance in my discussion with my foreign opponents in the various countries. In this type of prohibition my enemy was, so to speak, in half shadow, I could not speak to him officially. But, an the other hand, I knew that many of my listeners had heard him and they mention here that always advocated a mild judgment of the violators of this prohibition against listening to foreign radio stations. Justice officials often asked me as an expert. I may emphasize that particularly after Stalingrad I established my own monitoring service for the Russian radio in order to learn the names of German soldiers captured at Stalingrad which were mentioned on the Russian radio and report them to the relatives because it seemed cruel to me to deprive the relatives of such a source of information about the date of their people.
prohibition of listening to the radio. That was to confiscate all radios and stop the whole German radio system. The Party often demanded this. The prohibition against listening to foreign stations seemed to me the lesser of the two evils. lar in his methods. I should like to give an example. That was th station Gustav Siegfried, which at the beginning of its work tried to gain listeners in Germany with descriptions that I shall not giv in detail but which occasioned me to prohibit my own monitoring station from receiving this broadcast. ploitation of the occupied territories. Do you acknowledge such a policy?
A No. The aim of all my propaganda work in Europe was, and had to be, to win over the peoples of Europe to the German cause. Anything else would have been illogical. All the radio broadcasts in all European languages which were made under my direction for years had only one aim. That was to win the voluntary cooperation, especially of the occupied territories, for the fight of the Reich. the occupied territories recruited voluntary cooperation? That was Koch in the Ukraine. Otherwise, as far as I could see, all administrations of occupied territories sought this collaboration more or less skillfully. I saw the gigantic efforts which the Allie made to interfere with this German collaboration policy, which was very dangerous to them. I saw these efforts of the Allies, at first by means of propaganda. This alone would not have worked. Then I saw these efforts by other means, and methods of attacks and sabotag These efforts had great success. Attacks always called for reprisal and reprisals always called forth new attacks. cally, if I say the following: I, as a propagandist, considered, fo example, the murder of Heydrich as a small success.
The destruction of Lidici, carried out by the Germans, however, was a tremendous success for the Allies. In other words, I always was and had to be an opponent of reprisals of all kinds.
Q Did you know of the reprisals? How did you deal with them in your propaganda? months, because at that time I was at the Eastern Front. I learned--and this is significant -- of the destruction of the houses of Lidici and the driving out of the inhabitants. I learned only here in the Courtroom of the killing of a part of the inhabitants. I learned that hostages were taken, but not that they were killed. The killing of hostages was made public only in the occupied territories. If shootings occurred anywhere, I was told that they had been of persons condemned to death. The Nacht and Nobel Decree was also unknown to me. been imposed on states or districts. In all propaganda, we always referred to the causes of such reprisals. trations in your propaganda? spite of all difficulties and all resistance, was being done in th various occupied territories, especially -- and far at the head -the work for the intensification of agriculture; then that to increase industrial production. Then I had references made to the supplying of the occupied territories with food, often, as I should like to emphasize, from the scant German supplies. I had reports made of the creation of schools, and I received at times very impressive reports and had them worked on, for example, on the supplying of cities such as Paris, in spite of the attacks of the enemy against railroad lines or other transportation. I had such reports collected in permanent files and had speeches and whole series of speeches made on them. There were many such reports. I must empha size that as far as I know, in not a single German occupied territory was there on infant mortality of 80 per cent, and in none were there fields lying fallow, and it is simply not true, as the prosecution said here once, although in a moment of excitement, that Germany and the Germans were well fed and happy during the war while the occupied territories starved.
That is not true. territories? own administration and their lack of decisive political concessions in the countries which administered themselves. Immediately after the French campaign, I had repeatedly demanded the establishment of a Magna Charta, laying down the basic rights of the European peoples I prepared many memoranda on this subject which were accepted by Dr. Goebbels, taken to Hitler, and when in the fall of 1942 I decide to return to the Propaganda Ministry, one of the promises which Dr. Goebbels gave me was the promise that now finally this Magna Charta would be proclaimed.
DR. FRITZ: Mr. President, on this occasion I should like to quote a passage from the Scharping affidavit, document Fritsche Exhibit No. 2. Page 13 of the affidavit.
"After the occupation of various European countries, Fritsche issued directives for news to the effect that the peoples of Europe were to conclude a league of states on the basis of equality with Germany. He told me to work out a series of speeches to this effect in which this point of view was to play the decisive role and which at the same time would give the agencies hints for the reconstruction in the occupied territories." BY DR. FRITZ: about the activity of the police in the occupied territories?
Q Another question: I have asked the witness Paulus about your conduct after you learned of the Commissar Order. How about that?
of at the beginning of May 1942 when I came to the Sixth Army. I immediately opposed it. Whether it was carried out or not, I doc not know. Field Marshal Paulus is doubtless correct when he says that in his army he had already prevented the execution of this order. At any rate, I made it my business to have the order as sue rescinded, and I achieved this. The Sixth Army at my advice gave certain information to the High Command. I am of the conviction that many army leaders acted in the same way as the leader of the Sixth Army and simply did not carry out the order. At any rate, it was expressly rescinded. speech of 5 July 1941.
DR. FRITZ: Mr. President, that is in the English record of Captain Sprecher, page 32-33. BY DR. FRITZ: you had agitated for ruthless measures against the population of the Soviet Union.
THE PRESIDENT: We can not find it here. What is the PS number?
DR. FRITZ: It is in the transcript, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: We have not got the transcript here. We have the document book. The document book does not contain 32 and 33 pages. It only contains 32--or 31 and a little bit.
DR. FRITZ: The number is 3084 PS, US Exhibit 723.
THE PRESIDENT: It is page 14 in our book. Well, did you say 5 July?
DR. FRITZ: 5 July, 5 July 1941.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I have got the 7th and 10th of July but not the 5th. What page in the shorthand notes was it?
DR. FRITZ: On page 32, page 33 in the English transcript I have the English transcript here.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, you had better read it then.
DR. FRITZ; This quotation from Captain Sprecher's speech for the Prosecution reads:
"As letters from the front given to foreign correspondent wherever the German Army advanced and soldiers on leave confirm, in this battle in the East, it is not one ideology fighting against another, not one political system against another, but culture, civilization, and human dignity fighting against devilish principles of an underworld." less measures against the population of the Soviet Union, nor did I want to villify the people of the Soviet Union.
I refer to the total effect of the speech of the 5th of July.
I do not wish to read this speech, but I should like permission to sum it up briefly.
DR. FRITZ: Mr. President, in my document book 1-- I do not know whether the Tribunal already has it-
THE PRESIDENT: No, we haven't go it.
DR. FRITZ: I have all these radio speeches of the defendant Frizache, from which the prosecution quoted passages against him. I have included them in their full text.
THE PRESIDENT: It has just been handed up to me. What page is it
DR. FRITZ: Pages 8 to 13. That is the radio speech of the 5th of July. 1941. BY DR. FRITZ:
Q. Will you continue?
A. I ask for permission to sum up the contents very briefly what German soldiers had seen in their advance in the Soviet Union, especially as to prisoners killed in the prisons in various cities. I did not describe those things once more, I only recalled them from the reports which had been given out in the time. From them I drew the conclusion that now one saw how necessary the fight was against a system under which such atrocities were possible. For the peoples of the Soviet Union I expressly used words of sympathy.
Q. In the same connection, and with the same tendency, the prosecution then quotes a sentence from a paragraph of you radio speech of the 10th of July 1941.
DR. FRITZ: Mr. President, that is in document 1 -the speech of the 10th of July 1941--also in its full text, on pages 14 to 19.
Q (Continuing) What do you have to say to this charge?
A. In this quotation, and in this whole speech, what I just s aid becomes even clearer. I referred once more to the reports just mentioned. I also referred to the descriptions of foreign correspondents. I then, quite frankly, reported Moscow's attitude towards these events and I said, quite honestly, "Radio Moscow says that these atrocities are facts, but it maintains that these atrocities were not committed by Russians, but by Germans". into publicity.
I called millions of German soldiers as witnesses; 1 called their mothers and fathers and wives as witnesses. I finally called as witnesses the inhabitants of the occupied territories in which Germans were in power at the time, and in which, as I said, they were subordinated only to the normal law in their own breasts. Then I drew the conclusion: These German soldiers cannot have committed the atrocities, which were described by Berlin and Moscow equally. man atrocities to the Russians was ridiculous. I do not consider it ridiculous, I consider it tragic. It shows clearly, as I understand it, all the honesty of my conviction at that time, of the absolute clealiness and honesty of the whole German conduct of the war. I still believe today that murder and violence and special commandos, Sonderkommandos, were a foreign body from the more or less sound body of the German people and its Wehrmacht.
Q. Finally, the prosecution quotes a passage from your speech of the 9th of October 1941, another quotation from which was brought out elsewhere.
DR. FRITZ: Mr. President, this is in the Fritsche document book 1, the speech in its full text is on pages 20 to 25. The quotation of the prosecution are summed up in a document in the Fritsche document book of the prosecution, so that the Tribunal can compare it.
Q (Continuing) The prosecution concludes from this quotation that this was enthusiasm for the policy of the Nazi conspirators in their ruthless exploitation of the occupied territories.
What have you to say to that?
A. There is no question of ruthlessness either in the quotation given by the prosecution or in the rest of the text of the speech of the 9th of July, 1941.
I refer to my affidavit 3469-PS, paragraph 39, a paragraph which the prosecution very fairly quoted in this connection. sense of this speech? the Black Sea to the Bay of Biscay. I spoke of the possibility of using the resources of this enormous territoy. I said, "The possibilities of this continent are so significant that they can cover any need for war and for peace." I said, in this connection, that a starving out by blockade, such as was attempted in 1914-1918, was not out of the question. I spoke of the possibilities of the organization of Europe which could begin in the war. By that I meant the organization of European nations with equal rights. of ruthless exploitation of the occupied territories, but only winning them over politically and economically after the temporary phenomenon of war.
DR. FRITZ: Mr. President; I now came to another subject, so perhaps this would be a good time to break off.
THE PRESIDENT; Yes.
DR. THOMA: (Counsel for the defendant Rosenberg): I have a request, Mr. President. I should like to speak for my client now. I would like to have my client excused from now on.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, certainly.
(A recess was taken).
BY DR. FRITZ :
occupied countries ? that special individuals were being arrested, Jews, and non-Jews. labor ?
A I knew that millions of foreign workers were working in the Reich. I did not consider them slaves, for I saw them daily walking about free on the streets of all the cities. and their wages ? which came from the office of Sauckel and the German Labor Front. From these reports, among other things, I remember the fact that the foreign workers were put on the same basis and in the same position as the German workers, in every way. I further recall from the time that they came in that the so-called inferior treatment accorded Eastern workers had been done away with. I received reports from listeners complaining about the fact that foreign workers had a so-called better position than German workers; and in this connection, I remember a reference to the fact that the foreign workers were permitted to send home money in the form of exchange.
Many times I talked with foreign workers. I did not hear any specific or special complaints; but, on the other hand, in the Propaganda Ministry, through official channels, I heard very much about the care that was being given to foreign workers, even along cultural lines. Frequently I was approached by Sauckel or the German Labor Front -- I do not remember which it was -- with the request to have radio broadcasts sent to one or another group of foreign workers. I was approached also with the request for receiving programs to be given in camps of foreign workers.
Q Did you know that most of them did not come to Germany voluntarily ?
A That was the very part that I did not know. Here in this proceeding it was mentioned that Sauckel in one meeting or another made a statement about the fact that only a small percentage had come voluntarily, and that was the thing that was unknown to me. I heard the following complaints : First of all, that extravagant promises were made at the time of recruitment of the foreign workers, which promises could not be kept afterwards.
when I heard about that, and these doubts were raised in each section of the Propaganda Ministry. I remember having heard complaints from Poland dealing with the fact that employers were "pirating" Polish workers from each other. Propaganda Ministry and that he had many discussions with the Propaganda Ministry. Did you participate in these discussions and conferences ?
A No, I did not participate in these conferences. I believe that I met Sauckel here, and he reminded me of a meeting in the spring of 1945 at the home of Dr. Goebbels when there was some evening gathering taking place. of foreign workers in occupied countries ? the occupied countries ? supervision, or was not subordinate to me, not even in the branches of the press or radio. This propaganda was used under the direction and supervision of the Reich Commissar, military commander-in-chief, or governor. However, I did exert influence on this propaganda in the occupied countries. This took place on two, three or four occasions. damentals and principles which existed in the Reich, I should have been able to gather this from the echo abroad. I remember one special case which received special attention, when, in the case of the German radio in Paris, a certain man by the name of Friedrich attacked the Pope. I had this man Friedrich replaced. That was the extent of the influence I could make felt.
Dr. Goebbels, however, exerted rather more influence on the propaganda in the occupied countries, and he especially by way of his branch Ausland, or the branch Auslandspresse, Foreign Press, or by way of his liaison officer to the OKW used these various channels of exerting his influence.
Q Did you not give out any radio broadcasts to the occupied countries ?
A Yes, broadcasts of two types. An example for the first type is as follows.
At the time of the occupation, Radio Paris was under German influence. Despite that, I retained the old German broadcast in the French language via Radio Stuttgart. I wanted to have it understood quite specifically that the occupation was an abnormal and a temporary situation, and anything that was taking place during the period of occupation did not have anything to do with that part of, let us say, German-French understanding and language exchange which was being carried on by these two mother countries.
The second example is as follows. It concerns German broadcasts in the Spanish and Portuguese languages. I had these transmitted through three stations in Southern France, for it was easier to receive these transmitters in the Pyrenees region. The basis for my work in this connection was a contract which we had with these stations, and the payment of regular charges. Negotiations for this contract were carried out through the Foreign Office.
Q I shall now turn to a different topic. You are accused of making antiSemitic statements. Were you anti-Semitic, and in what way did you participate in anti-Semitic propaganda ?
A I was not anti-Semitic in the idea of a noisy anti-Semitism. The prosecution has asserted that all defendants -- that is, including myself -shouted, "Germany awake, and Judism die." I will state under my oath, never did I raise cry to this effect or one similar to it. I was not anti-Semitic in the sense of the radical theories or methods beginning with Fritsche to Streicher. Jewish agitator of all times, could hardly have excelled Fritsche when it came to libels against the Jews. I protest against this statement. I do not believe that I deserve any such accusation. Never did I give out any propaganda dealing with ritual murders, Kabala, and the protocols of the Elders of Zion. primitive agitation. For humanitarian reasons, I regret that I had to give further statement but I cannot refrain from making this statement in the interests of Truth. rejected the "Stuermer". I personally during a period of 13 years never quoted this paper; and the "Stuermer" was not quoted in the German press.
The editors during my term of office did not belong to the Journalistic Union; the publisher did not belong to the publishers' organization or union during my term of office.
How things developed along these lines later on, I did not know. "Stuermer". However, I did not succeed. Then it was proposed that I censor this paper, the "Stuermer". However, I declined the offer. I wanted to prohibit the publishing of the "Stuermer", not just for the simple reason of prohibiting only one page of the newspaper "Stuermer", which was the most effective anti-German propaganda which ever existed, but I wanted to prohibit the whole of the "Stuermer" for reasons of good taste. I wanted to have it stand out as a source of radicalism against which I fought in every line and at every place. "Stuermer" after 1933 to half a million lay in the same cause as the secret of the sudden increase of such organizations as the SA. The Party in 1933 had blocked the bringing in of new members, and presently many people tried to affiliate themselves, if not directly with the party, then with some organization connected with the Party, such as, perhaps, the SA. Or they tried to be able to prove that they had a connection with some National Socialist organization, and to be related to it, by subscribing to the "Stuermer", or something similar. in this sense : I wanted a restriction of the predominant influence of Jewry in German politics, economy, and culture, such as it had manifested itself after the First World War. I wanted a restriction to that extent so that the relative importance of the participation of the Jews would be in line with the population.
All restrictions were up to that degree, so that the proportionate participation of the Jews would be in line with the population of Germany and this view of mine which I held, I proclaimed publicly but I did not exploit these views in a systematic propaganda light or way. Those anti-Semitic statements with which I am charged by the prosecution have a different connection. The facts are as follows: After the outbreak of the war, frequently I referred to the fact that Jewish emigrees, immediately after 1933, were the first ones to emphasize that a war against the National Socialist German State is necessary; for instance, Emil Ludwig or George Bernhardt and others. As far as I recall, this was the only connection in which I made anti-Semitic statements of any kind. I cannot say this without being asked to be permitted to emphasize one more point. Only in this proceeding here did I learn that in the Autumn of 1939 there was more at stake than just one city or one street for a way through the Corridor; that in truth and in fact, a new division or partition of Poland had already been declared only perhaps in part and only her in this proceeding did I learn that Hitler had confirmed the warnings against the Jews by the terrible act of a murder. If I had known both of these things at that time, then I would have pictured the role of Jewish propaganda quite differently before the outbreak of the war.
DR. FRITZ: Mr. President, in this connection I should like to refer to the document which has already been submitted, Fritsche Exhibit No. 2, deposed by Dr. Scharping, with special reference to pages nine to eleven. This document is found in my Document Book No. 2; however, I don't know whether this document book has been submitted to the High Tribunal.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, it has.
DR. FRITZ: Pages nine to eleven. I would just like to refer to the contents of this document. The prosecution has quoted a passage from the book by Mueller, dealing with the Propaganda Ministry. According to this, among other things, it was the task of this Ministry to enlighten the population about the Jewish question. BY DR. FRITZ:
Q. According to the picture drawn by the prosecution, matters stood as though you were the one charged with the task of this enlightenment; is that correct ?