infected with open tuberculosis is estimated at about 35,000. This fact has led in an increasingly frightening measure to the infection of Germans who came to the Warthegau perfectly healthy...... a considerable number of well known leading men, especially of the police, rave been infected lately and are not available for the war effort.... The ever increasing risks were also recognized and appreciated by the deputy of the Reich Leader for Public Health, Comrade Professor Dr. Blome.....
Though in Germany proper it is not possible to take appropriate draconic steps against this public plague, I think I could take responsibility.... to have cases of open tuberculosis exterminated among the Polish race here in the Warthegau. Of course, only a Pole should be handed over for such an action, who is not only suffering from open tuberculosis, but whose incurability is proved and certified by a public health officer.
Considering the urgency of this project I ask for your approval in principle as soon as possible. This would enable us to make the preparations with all necessary precautions now to get the action against the Poles suffering from open tuberculosis under way, while the action against the Jews is in its closing stages."
"Heil Hitler!"
"Greiser" Two days later, Koppe, the police leader on Greiser's staff, wrote to Rudolf Brandt restating Greiser's proposal and urging Brandt to call the matter to Himmler's attention.
Brandt promptly acknowledged the letter, advising Koppe that the proposal had been referred to the Chief of the Security Police for opinion, but that the final decision would rest with Hitler.
On 9 June 1942 the Chief of the Security Police rendered his opinion to Himmler: "I have no scruples against having the Protectorate members and stateless persons of the Polish race... who are afflicted with open tuberculosis submitted to the special treatment in the sense of the proposal of Gauleader Greiser.
.. The individual measures, though, will first have to be discussed thoroughly with the Security Police, in order to carry out the execution with the least possible attraction of attention." The opinions thus rendered undoubtedly received the full approval of Himmler for on 27 June 1942 Rudolf Brandt passed on to Greiser a letter from Himmler containing the following decision:
"Dear Comrade Greiser!
"I have no objection to having protectorate people and stateless persons pf Polish origin who live within the territory of the Warthegau and are infected with tuberculosis handed ever for special treatment as you suggest; as long as their disease is incurable...... I would like to request, however, to discuss the individual measures in detail with the Security Police first, in order to assure inconspicuous accomplishment of the task...."
Signed H. Himmler" The Himmler letter was acknowledged by Greiser on 21 November 1942, Greiser advising Himmler that in pursuance of the permission given him to apply "special treatment" to tubercular Poles he had made arrangements for an X-Ray examination of all people in the territory, but that now that "special treatment" had been approved, Blome, Deputy Chief of the Public Health Office of the NSDAP was raising objections to its execution.
A copy of Blome's letter to Greiser was enclosed for Himmler's information.
Blome's letter to Greiser is dated 18 November 1942. It opens by recalling various conversations between the writer and Greiser concerning the campaign against tuberculosis in the Warthegau, and then proceeds to consider the matter in detail; the letter proceeding:
"With the settlement of Germans in all parts of the Gau an enormous danger has arisen for them... What goes for the Warthegau also holds true for the other annexed territories.....
Therefore, something basic must be done soon. One must decide the most efficient way in which this can be done. There are three ways to be taken into consideration:
"l. Special treatment of the seriously ill persons.
"2. Most rigorous isolation of the seriously ill persons.
"3. Creation of a reservation for all TB patients.
"For the planing, attention must he paid to different points of view of a practical, political and psychological nature. Considering it most soberly, the simplest way would be the following:
Aided by the X-Ray battalion, we could reach the entire population. German and Polish, of the Gau during the first half of 1943. As to the Germans, the treatment and isolation is to be prepared and carried out according to the regulations of Tuberculosis Relief. The approximately 35,000 Poles who are incurable and infectious will be "specially treated". All other Polish consumptives will be subjected to an appropriate cure in order to save them for work aid to avoid their causing contagion."
Blome then proceeds, stating that he has made arrangements for commen-cement of the "radical procedure", but suggests that some assurance should be procured that Hitler would agree to the project.
The letter then goes on to say:
"I could imagine that the Fuehrer, having some time ago stopped the program in the insane asylums, might at this moment consider a "special treatment" of the incurably sick as unsuitable and irresponsible from a political point of view. As regards the Euthanasia program it was a question of people of German nationality afflicted with hereditary diseases. Now it is a question of infected sick people of a subjugated nation."
Blome then voices the opinion that if the program is put into execution it cannot be kept secret and will be made the basis for much adverse and harmful propaganda both at home and abroad. He suggests accordingly that before the program is commenced all points of view should again be presented to Hitler.
Continuing, Blome writes that if Hitler should forbid the radical proposal suggested by Greiser, three other solutions were open: (l) consumptives and incurables could be isolated with their relatives; (2) all infections consumptives might be strictly isolated in nursing establishments; (3) the consumptives might be resettled in a particular area.
If the latter plan were adopted, the sick could reach the assigned territory on foot, and thus save the costs of transportation.
Blome's letter finally concludes:
"After a proper examination of all these considerations and circumstances the creation of a reservation, such as the reservations for lepers, seems to be the most practicable solution. Such a reservation should be able to be created in the shortest time by means of the necessary settlement. Within the reservation one could easily set up conditions for the strict isolation of the strongly contagious.
"Even the case of the German consumptives represents an extremely difficult problem for the Gau. But this cannot be overcome, unless the problem of the Polish consumptives is solved at the same time." The evidence shows that the letter from Greiser to Himmler, with Blome's suggestions enclosed, was acknowledged by Himmler on 3 December 1942 with the following final decision:
"Dear Party Comrade Greiser:
"I have received your letter of 21 November 1942. I, too, believe that it would be better to take into consideration the misgivings set forth by Party member Dr. Blome. In my opinion it is impossible to proceed with the sick persons in the manner intended, especially since, as you have informed me, it will be possible to exploit the practical results of the tests only in six months.
"I suggest you look for a suitable area to which the incurable consumptives can be sent. Beside the incurables, other patients with less severe cases of tuberculosis could quite well be put into this territory too. This action would also, of course, have to be exploited with the appropriate form of propaganda.
"Before writing you this letter I again thoroughly thought over whether the original idea could not in some way be carried out. However, I am convinced now that it is better to proceed the other way."
The Prosecution maintains that this series of letters which we have referred to establishes the criminal participation of the defendant Blome in the extermination of tubercular Poles. We cannot follow the argument. It is probable that the proposal to isolate tubercular Poles, as suggested by Blome and approved by Himmler, was at least partially carried out; although the record discloses but little with reference to what actually transpired. It may be that in the course of such a program Poles may have died as the result of being uprooted from their homes and sent to isolation stations; but the record contains no direct credible evidence upon the subject.
Blome explained from the witness stand his letter to Greiser by saying that it was written in order to prevent the extermination program of tubercular Poles from being put into execution. Certainly, his letter indicates on its face that he opposed the "special treatment" suggested by Greiser.
We cannot say, therefore, that the explanation offered is wholly without substance. It at least raises a reasonable doubt in our minds concerning the'matter. Blome knew Hitler and Himmler. He well knew that any objections to "special treatment" based on moral or humanitarian grounds would make but small impact upon the minds of men like these Nazi leaders. He knew, moreover, that before Greiser's proposal for extermination would be abandoned a plan which appeared to be better must be suggested. If viewed from the standpoint of factual and psychological considerations, it cannot be held that the letter was not well worded when considered as an attempt to put an end to the plan originally adopted, and to bring the substitution of another plan not so drastic. Whatever may have been its purpose, the record shows that in this particular the letter did in fact divert Himmler from his original program and that as a result thereof the extermination plan was abandoned. EUTHANASIA PROGRAM: Blome is charged with criminal responsibility in connection with the euthanasia program, but we are of opinion that the evidence is insufficient to sustain the charge.
BACTERIOLOGICAL WARFARE: The Prosecution contends that the evidence in the case established Blome's guilt in connection with research concerning different forms of bacteriological warfare. Blome who was Plenipotentiary for Cancer Research in the Reich Research Council, admits that the problem of cancer research was allied with the Research Commission for Protection against biological warfare. He admits further, that he was placed in charge of an institute near Posen in which the problems of biological warfare were to be investigated, but states that the work being done at the Posen institute was interrupted in March 1945 by the advance of the Russian Army.
This letter fact seems to be confirmed by the evidence. In this connection Schreiber appeared as a witness before the International Military Tribunal. His testimony given there has been received in evidence before this Tribunal. From the testimony it appears that Blome visited Schreiber at the Military Medical. Academy, Berlin during March 1945 and stated to him that he, Blome, had abandoned his institute in Posen due to the advance of the Russians, but before leaving had attempted to destroy his installations as he feared that the Russians might discover that preparations had been made in the institute for experiments on human beings.
Counsel for the Prosecution has brought to our judicial notice a finding by the International Military Tribunal in its judgment wherein it is found that:
"In July 1943 experimental work was begun in preparation for a campaign of bacteriological warfare; Soviet prisoners of war were used in the medical experiments, which more often than not proved fatal."
See "Trial of the Major War Criminals". Vol., I, p. 231.
It is submitted by the Prosecution that this finding of the International Military Tribunal, when considered in connection with other evidence in the case, requires this Tribunal to find the defendant Blome guilty under the indictment.
The suggestion is not tenable. It may well be that defendant Blome was preparing to experiment upon human beings in connection with bacteriological warfare, but the record fails to disclose that fact, or that he ever actually conducted experiments. The charge of the Prosecution on this item is not sustained.
POLYGAL EXPERIMENTS: The Prosecution has introduced evidence which suggests that Blome may be criminally responsible for polygal experiment conducted by Rascher at Dachau, in which Russian prisoners of war were used as experimental subjects. In our view the evidence does no more than raise a strong suspicion; it does not sustain the charge beyond a reasonable doubt.
CONCLUSION Military Tribunal I finds and adjudges the defendant Kurt Blome not guilty as charged under the indictment and directs that he be released from custody under the indictment when this Tribunal presently adjourns.
THE PRESIDENT:
Judge Crawford will continue reading the Judgment.
Under Counts Two and Three of the Indictment the defendant Rudolf Brandt is charged with special responsibility for, and participation in, High/Altitude, Freezing, Malaria, Lost Gas, Sulfanilamide, Bone, Muscle and Nerve Regeneration and Bone Transplantation, Seawater, Epidemic Jaundice, Sterilization, and Typhus Experiments. He is also charged under these counts with criminal responsibility for the murder of 112 Jews for the purpose of completing a skeleton collection for the Reich University of Strassbourg; for the murder and ill-treatment of tubercular Poles; and for the euthanasia program carried out by the German Reich.
Under Count Four of the Indictment he is charged with membership in an organization declared criminal by the Judgment of the International Military Tribunal.
The prosecution has abandoned the charge of participation in the Bone, Muscle and Nerve Regeneration and Bone Transplantation Experiment; hence, it will not be considered further.
The defendant Rudolf Brandt joined the Nazi Party in 1952. He was commissioned a Second Lieutenant in the SS in 1955. In approximately ten years he rose 11449-A to the rank of SS Colonel.
He is one of the three defendants in the case who is not a physician.
From the commencement of his career in the Nazi organization until his capture by the Allied Forces in 1945 he was directly subordinate to and closely associated with the leader of the SS, Heinrich Himmler, and he had full knowledge of his chief's personal and official interests and activities.
To Himmler, Rudolf Brandt was first of all an important and trusted clerical assistant. The record shows him to have been an unusually proficient stenographer. That is the road by which he finally arrived at a position of considerable power and authority as Personal Referent on Himmler's personal staff, Ministerial Councillor in the Ministry of the Interior, and a member of the Ahnenerbe. Acting for Himmler during his absences, Rudolf Brandt, in these positions, had a tremendous opportunity to and did exercise personal judgment and discretion in many serious and important matters.
HIGH ALTITUDE EXPERIMENTS These experiments extended from March to August 1942.
Their details are dealt with elsewhere in this judgment. A portion of the evidence in this specification consists of correspondence between the defendant Rudolf Brandt and various others in the German military service who were personally engaged in, or were closely connected with, the physical details of the experiments performed. The correspondence just previously mentioned was admitted in evidence, is well authenticated, and even standing alone, without additional oral testimony - of which there was also plenty - is deemed amply sufficient to disclose beyond reasonable doubt that except for the sanction and diligent cooperation of the defendant Rudolf Brandt, or someone occupying his position, the high altitude experiments mentioned in the indictment could not have been conducted.
Taken altogether, the evidence on this item discloses that during the period between March and August 1942 certain medical experiments were conducted at the Dachau Concentration Camp in Germany, for the benefit of the German Air Forest to determine the limits of human endurance and existence at extremely high altitudes.
Various human beings, unwillingly, and entirely without their consent, were required and compelled to, and did participate in the aforesaid experiments as subjects thereof. The said non-consenting subjects were prisoners of war, German civilians and civilians from German occupied territory, whose exact citizenship, in many cases, could not be ascertained. Among the experimental subjects there were numerous deaths, estimated by witnesses at 70 or 80, resulting directly from compulsory participation in the experiments. Exact data on the total fatalities cannot be stated, but there is convincing evidence that during the last day's operation of the high altitude experiments five participating and non-consenting subjects died as the result thereof. The greater number of the experimental subjects suffered grave injury, torture and ill treatment.
FREEZING EXPERIMENTS In this experiment, or series of experiments, Rudolf Brandt is established as an intermediary and necessary aid between Heinrich Himmler, who authorized the work to be done, and those who were appointed by him actually to perform the ruthless task.
Evidence is conclusive that Rudolf Brandt at all times knew exactly what experimental processes would be carried out. He knew the procedure followed was to select from the inmates at Dachau such human subjects as were considered most suitable for experimental purposes. He knew that no consent was ever deemed necessary from the persons upon whom the experiments were to be performed. He knew that among the experimental subjects were non-German nationals, including civilians and prisoners of war.
The exact number of deaths cannot be ascertained from the evidence, but that fatalities occurred among the experimental subjects has been proven beyond a reasonable doubt.
LOST (MUSTARD) GAS EXPERIMENTS On this specification, an affidavit of the defendant Rudolf Brandt which is confirmed by other evidence reads substantially as follows:
"Towards the end of the year 1939 experiments were conducted at the Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp on persons who were certainly not all volunteers, in order to ascertain the efficacy of the different treatment of wounds inflicted by Lost gas. Lost is a poisonous gas which produces injurious effects on the epidermis. I think it is generally known as mustard gas. Therefore, experiments were conducted on inmates of concentration camps. As far as I understand, the experiments consisted of inflicting wounds upon various parts of the bodies of the experimental subjects and infecting them thereafter with Lost. Various methods of treatment were applied in order to determine the most effective one...
"In the second half of 1942 Hirt (Dr. August Hirt) together with... who served in the Luftwaffe, initiated experiments on inmates of the Natzweiler Concentration Camp. The inmates for these as well as other experiments were simply chosen by Pohl's office, the Economic and Administrative Main Office (WVHA). In order to be employed for such purposes, the experiments on human subjects with Lost gas had been carried on during the years 1943 and 1944 in the Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp as well as in the Natzweiler Concentration Camp. The result was that some of the inmates died."
In the course of the gas experiments above referred to, testimony in the record discloses that a considerable amount of correspondence was carried on by persons concerned (except the experimental subjects themselves), and it appears that some, at least, of this was referred to Rudolf Brandt for action, upon which he personally intervened sufficiently to associate himself actively with the conduct of the work being done. And so he must be regarded as criminally responsible.
STERILIZATION EXPERIMENTS Rudolf Brandt is charged, as in the indictment set forth, with special responsibility under the above heading.
The means by which sterilization experiments or processes were to be made or utilized included X-ray treatment, surgery, and drugs.
No specific instances of any drug being actually used have been clearly shown by oral testimony or exhibits herein submitted in evidence. In reference to the x-ray and surgery methods of sterilization, however, Rudolf Brandt is shown by the evidence to have taken a moving part in the preparation of plans, and in their execution, sufficient to justify the Tribunal in finding his criminal connection therewith. An affidavit executed by the defendant Rudolf Brandt reads as follows:
"Himmler was extremely interested in the development of a cheap, rapid sterilization method which could be used against enemies of Germany, such as the Russians, Poles, and Jews. One hoped thereby not only to defeat the enemy, but to exterminate him. The capacity for work of the sterilized persons could be exploited by Germany, while the danger of propagation would be eliminated. This mass sterilization was part of Himmler's racial theory; particular time and care were devoted to these sterilization experiments."
We learn from the record that persons subjected to treatment were "young, well-built inmates of concentration camps who were in the best of health, and these were Poles, Russians, French, and prisoners of war."
It goes without saying that the work done in conformity with the plans of Himmler, substantially aided by the cooperation of Rudolf Brandt, brought maiming and suffering to great numbers of people.
TYPHUS EXPERIMENTS Medical experiments ostensibly conducted to benefit Germany in the prevention of typhus fever were carried on in the Natzweiler Concentration Camp beginning with the year 1942.
The details of these experiments have been dealt with elsewhere in this judgment.
In the evidence it is proven that not less than 50 experimental subjects died as a direct result of their participation in these typhus experiments. Persons of all nationalities were used as subjects. Regarding these enterprises, Rudolf Brandt, in his own affidavit, admits that these experimental subjects did not volunteer but were conscripted and compelled to serve without their consent being sought or given.
Inasmuch as information on the typhus experiments, both before and after their performance, was furnished, as a matter of course, to Himmler through Brandt, the defendant's full knowledge of them is regarded as definitely proven.
Here, again, the managing hand of the defendant is shown. The smooth operation of these experiments is demonstrated to have been contingent upon the diligence with which Rudolf Brandt arranged for the supply of quotas of suitable human experimental material to the physicians at the scene of the experiment.
In view of these proven facts, the defendant Rudolf Brandt must be held and considered as one of the defendants responsible for performance of illegal medical experiments where deaths resulted to the non-consenting human subjects.
SKELETON COLLECTION In response to a request by Rudolf Brandt, on 9 February 1942 the defendant Sievers, business manager of the Ahnenerbe, submitted to him certain data on the alleged desirability of securing a Jewish skeleton collection for the Reich University of Strasbourg.
The report furnished to the defendant Brandt contained among other things the following:
"By procuring the skulls of the Jewish Bolshevik Commissars, who personified a repulsive yet characteristic humanity, we have the opportunity of obtaining tangible scientific evidence. The actual obtaining and collecting of these skulls without difficulty could be best accomplished by a directive issued to the Wehrmacht in the future to immediately turn over alive all Jewish Bolshevik Commissars to the field police.
On February 27, 1942, Rudolf Brandt informed defendant Sievers that Himmler would support the enterprise and would place everything necessary at his disposal; and that Sievers should report again in connection with the undertaking.
Testimony and exhibits placed before this Court are abundantly sufficient to show that the plan mentioned was actually put into operation; that not less than 86 people were murdered for the sole purpose of obtaining their skeletons. Much more could be said in reference to this revolting topic but it would add nothing to the Judgment. The fact that Rudolf Brandt showed an initial interest and collaborated in the undertaking is enough to require a finding that he is guilty of murder in connection with the program.
MALARIA, SEAWATER, AND EPIDEMIC JAUNDICE EXPERIMENTS, AND THE CHARGE OF THE MURDER AND MISTREATMENT OF POLES
It appears to be well established that Himmler sponsored, supported, furthered, or initiated each of these enterprises. Doubtless Brandt knew what was going on, and perhaps he helped in the program. The evidence is not sufficient, however, to justify such a finding.
The Tribunal finds that the defendant Rudolf Brandt was an accessory to, ordered, abetted, took a consenting part in, was knowingly connected with plans and enterprises involving, and was a member of an organization or group connected with, the commission of medical experiments on non-German nationals, without their consent, in the course of which experiments murders, brutalities, cruelties, tortures, atrocities, and other inhumane acts were committed; and the murder of no less than 86 non-German Jews for a skeleton collection. To the extent that these crimes were not War Crimes they were Crimes against Humanity.
MEMBERSHIP IN CRIMINAL ORGANIZATION Under Count Four of the indictment Rudolf Brandt is charged with being a member of an organization declared criminal by the judgment of the International Military Tribunal, namely, the SS.
The evidence shows that Rudolf Brandt became a member of the SS in 1933, and remained in this organization until the end of the war. As a member of the SS he was criminally implicated in the commission of War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity, as charged under Counts Two and Three of the indictment.
An extremely persuasive and interesting brief on behalf of the defendant Rudolf Brandt, filed by his attorney, has received careful attention by this Tribunal. Therein it is urged that Rudolf Brandt's position under Heinrich Himmler was one of such subordination, his personal character so essentially mild, and he was so dominated by his chief, that the full significance of the crimes in which he became engulfed came to him with a shock only when he went to trial. This plea is offered in mitigation of appalling offenses in which the defenrdant Brandt is said to have played only an unassuming role.
If it be thought for even a moment that the part played by Rudolf Brandt was relatively unimportant when compared with the enormity of the charges proved by the evidence, let it be said that every Himmler must have his Brandt, else the plans of a master criminal would never be put into execution.
The Tribunal, therefore, cannot accept the thesis.
CONCLUSION Military Tribunal I finds and adjudges that the defendant Rudolf Brandt is guilty under Counts Two, Three, and Four of the indictment.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal will now be in recess for a few moments.
(A recess was taken.)
THE PRESIDENT: The case of defendant MRUGOWSKY.
The defendant is charged under Counts Two and Three of the Indictment with special responsibility for, and participation in, freezing, malaria, sulfanilamide, typhus, poison, epidemic jaundice, and incendiary bomb, experiments. Charges were made concerning certain other medical experiments, but they have been abandoned by the Prosecution.
Mrugowsky joined the NSDAP in 1930 and the SS in 1931. He ultimately rose to the rank of Senior Colonel in the Waffen-SS.
In 1938 Mrugowsky became a member of the Staff of the SS Medical Office, as hygienist. At the beginning of 1939, he founded the Hygiene Bacteriological Testing Station of the SS in Berlin, whose purpose was to combat epidemics in the SS garrison troops of the WaffenSS. In 1940 the station was enlarged and renamed the "Hygiene Institute of the Waffen-SS." Mrugowsky became its Chief and at the same time Chief of the Office for Hygiene in the Medical Service of the WaffenSS, under Genzken.
In his dual capacity Mrugowsky was answerable to Genzken in all questions concerning epidemic control and hygiene in the Waffen-SS, but as Chief of the Hygiene Institute, was military superior and commander of the Institute and its affiliated, institutions with power to issue orders.
The Medical Service of the Waffen-SS was reorganized on 1 September 1943. Mrugowsky and the Hygiene Institute were transferred from under Genzken and became directly subordinated to Grawitz as Reichsarzt SS and Police. By this transfer Mrugowsky became Chief Hygienist under Grawitz, but remained Chief of the Hygiene Institute.
TYPHUS AND OTHER VACCINE EXPERIMENTS:
The details concerning the vaccine experiments conducted at Buchenwald Concentration camp have been related elsewhere in this Judgment and hence the details need no further discussion.
As pointed out in the case against Handloser there is evidence in the record that on 29 December 1941 a conference was held in Berlin attended by Mrugowsky at which the decision was reached to begin research tests at Buchenwald to determine the efficiency of egg-yolk, and other, vaccines as protection against typhus.
As a result of the conference such an experimental station was established at Buchenwald under the direction of Dr. Ding, with the defendant Hoven acting as his deputy.
Except for a few tests conducted early in 1942, all experiments were carried out in Block 46 -- so called clinical block of the station. In the autumn of 1943 a vaccine production department was established in Block 50 and this also came under the supervision of Dr. Ding-Schuler.
It would burden this judgment unnecessarily to narrate in detail the various tests and experiences carried out by DING at Buchenwald as a result of the decisions reached at higher levels. All of them conformed to a more or less uniform pattern, with certain groups of inmates being inoculated with vaccines, other groups (known as central groups) being given no immunization, and finally both groups being artificially infected with a virulent virus, and the results noted upon the experimental subjects.
We learn from the Ding Diary, the authenticity and reliability of which has been discussed at length in other portions of the judgment, the methods employed and the results obtained in at least some of the experiments.
For example: Typhus vaccination material Research Series I", which began on 6 January 1942, 135 inmates were vaccinated with Weigl, Cox-Haagen-Gildemeister, Behring Normal, or Behring Strong, vaccines; 10 persons were used for control. On 3 March 1942 all test subjects, including control persons, were artificially infected with virulent virus of rickettsia-prowazeki furnished by the Robert Koch Institute. Five deaths occurred; three in the control group and two among the vaccinated subjects.
In typhus vaccine; research series II", from 19 August to 4 September 1942, 40 persons were vaccinated with two different vaccines; 19 persons were used for control. Subsequently all were artificially infected with virulent virus; four deaths among the control persons occurred.
The entries in the diary concerning "Typhus vaccine experimental series VII" read as follows:
"28 May 43 - 18 June 1943: Carrying of typhus vaccination for immunization with the following vaccine: l) 20 persons with vaccine "Asid",
2) 20 persons with vaccine "Asid Adsorbat",
3) 20 persons with vaccine "Weigl" of the institute for spotted fever and virus research of the supreme command; Army (OKH) Cracow (Eyer)... All experimental persons got very serious typhus. 7 Sept. 43: Chart and case history completed. The experimental series was concluded. 53 deaths (18 with "Asid") (18 with "Asid Adsorbat") (9 with "Weigl") (8 control) 9 Sept, 43: Charts and case histories delivered to Berlin. Dr. Ding SS-Sturmbannfuehrer."
Concerning 'typhus vaccine experimental series VIII" begun on 8 March 1944 the following entry appears in the diary:
"Suggested by Colonel M.C. of the air-corps, Prof. Rose (Oberst Arzt) the vaccine "Kopenhagen" (IpsenMurine-Vaccine) produced from mouse liver by the national serum institute in Kopenhagen was tested for its compatibility on humans. 20 persons were vaccinated for immunization by intramuscular injection...10 persons were contemplated for control and comparison, 4 of the 30 persons were eliminated before the start of the artificial injection, be cause of intermittent sickness.
..The remaining experimental persons were infected on 16 April 44 by subcutaneous injection of l/20 cc typhus sick fresh blood...The following fell sick:
a) 17 persons immunized; 9 medium, 8 seriously;
b) 9 persons control, 2 medium, 7 seriously... 2 June 44: The experimental series was concluded. 13 June 44: Chart and case history completed and sent to Berlin. 6 deaths (3 Kopenhagen) (3 control). Dr. Ding."
"Typhus vaccine experimental series IX" began on 17 July Twenty persons were immunized with the vaccine "Weimar", produced by the department for typhus and virus research of the Hygiene Institute of the Waffen-SS; and for comparison, another group of 20 persons were immunized with vaccine "Weigl" produced from lice by the Army Supreme Command (OKH) in Cracow. Still another group of 20 persons were used for the control group. On 6 September 1944 the 60 experimental persons were infected with fresh blood "sick with typhus" which was injected into the upper arm. As a result all experimental persons became sick; some seriously. The narration of this experimental series closes with the cryptic report: "4 Nov. 44: Chart and case history completed, 24 deaths (5 'Weigl') (19 Control). Dr. Schuler."
These entries are but few of the many which we have taken at random from the Ding diary, dealing with the sordid murders of defenseless victims in the name of Nazi medical science. Many more could be set forth if time and space permitted. An analysis of the Ding Diary discloses that no less than 729 concentration camp inmates were experimented on with typhus, at least 154 of whom died. And this toll of death takes no account of the certain demise of scores of so-called "passage" persons who were artificially infected with typhus for the sole purpose of having at hand an ever-ready supply of fresh blood "sick with typhus", to be used to infect the experimental subjects.