In the AllgemeineSS Gebhardt attained the rank of a Gruppenfuehrer (Major General), and in the Waffen-SS the rank of Major General in the Reserve.
SULFANILAMIDE EXPERIMENTS:
The purpose for which these experiments were undertaken is defined in Counts Two and Three and the Indictment.
In the Ravensbruck Concentration Camp during a period from 20 July 1942 until August 1943 the defendant Gebhardt, aided by defendants Fischer and Oberheuser, performed such experiments upon human subjects without their consent. Gebhardt personally requested Heinrich Himmler's permission to carry out these experiments, and he attempted to assume full responsibility for them and for any consequences resulting therefrom. He himself personally carried out the initial operations.
While it is not deemed strictly necessary in this Judgment to describe in any detail the procedure followed in performing these experiments, a brief statement will now be made thereon. The experimental subjects consisted of 15 male concentration camp inmates used during preliminary experiments in July 1942, but later 60 Polich women, who were experimented on in 5 groups of 12 subjects each.
In the first series of experiments the healthy subjects were infected with various bacteria, but resulting infections were not thereafter considered sufficiently serious to furnish an answer to the problem sought to be solved and further experiments wore then undertaken.
Dr. Gebhardt has admitted that in the 2nd series of experiments 3 of the experimental subjects died as a result of the treatment they received. All of these subjects were persons who had been selected by the concentration camp authorities and who were not consulted as to their consent or willingness to participate. Notwithstanding this, however, the experimental subjects protested against experiments both orally and in writing, stating that they would have preferred death to continued experiments since they were convinced that they would die in any event.
An examination of the evidence presented to this Tribunal in connection with Sulfanilamide experiments performed upon unwilling and non-consenting concentration camp inmates indicates conclusively, that participating human subjects wore used under duress and coercion in experiments performed upon their bodies; that persons acting as subjects incurred and suffered physical torture and the risk of death; that in the experiments here discussed at least five deaths of subjects were caused therefrom.
It is claimed by Dr. Gebhardt that all of the non-German experimental subjects were selected from inmates of concentration camps, former members of the Polish resistance movement, who had previously been condemned to death and were in any event marked for legal execution. This is not recognized as a valid defense to the charge of the indictment.
The Polish women who were used in the experiments had not given their consent to become experimental subjects. That fact was known to Gebhardt. The evidence conclusively shows that they had been confined at Ravensbruck without so much as a semblance of trial.
That fact could have been known to Gebhardt had he made the slightest inquiry of them concerning their status. Moreover, assuming for the moment that they had been condemned to death for acts considered hostile to the German forces in the occupied territory of Poland these persons still w re entitled to the protection of the laws of civilized nations. While under certain specific conditions the rules of land warfare may recognize the validity of an execution of spies, war rebels, or other resistance workers, it does not under any circumstances countenance the infliction of death or other punishment by maining or torture.
BONE, MUSCLE AND NERVE REGENERATION AND BONE TRANSPLANTATION EXPERIMENTS:
These experiments were carried out in Ravensbruck Concentration Camp during the same time, and on the same group of Polish women used in the sulfanilamide experiments. Upon these Polish inmates three kinds of cone operations were performed -- artificially induced fractures, bone transplantations, bone splints the conditions of the operations being specially created in each particular case. Some girls were required to submit to operations several times. In one instance small pieces of fibulare were taken out; in another instance the periosteum of the leg was removed. Cases occurred where subjects were experimented on by deliberately fracturing their limbs in several places and testing the effect of certain treatments. In at least one case bone incisions were performed on a subject six different times. In another case the shoulder blade of a subject was removed.
Further recital of these activities is as unnecessary as ware the operations themselves. The testimony heard and exhibits filed and examined by the Tribunal conclusively sustain the allegations of the Indictment with reference to the experiments mentioned therein.
SEPSIS (PHLEGMONE) EXPERIMENTS:
A witness whose testimony must be accepted as credible testified concerning these experiments in which concentration camp inmates were used without their consent and were thereafter infected with pus. He testified as to at least two series of experiments which resulted fatally for 12 of the subjects.
The Prosecution claims, and it is likely that these biochemical experiments which were performed in the Dachau Concentration Camp were complementary to and formed parts of the Sulfanilamide experiments in Ravensbrueck, sponsored by the defendant Gebhardt. The evidence, however, is not sufficient to establish the criminal connection of Gebhardt with these experiments.
SEA WATER EXPERIMENTS:
Dr. Gebhardt's position, which has been mentioned in this Judgment as that of an official and personal associate of Heinrich Himmler part of whose duties concerned concentration camp medical experiments, was partially defined by an order issued by Himmler 15 May 1944 directing that an opinion from Gebhardt would be required before any experiments thereafter could be carried out on such human subjects. This order stated that all medical experiments to be carried out at the concentration camps had to have Himmler's personal approval. It appears, however, that while the applications for permission to carry out experiments involving human subjects was required to be obtained from Himmler yet before such application could be examined a critical opinion of the chief clinical officer of the SS, Dr. Gebhardt, concerning its technical aspects was required to accompany it. Complying with this order Gebhardt, in reference to Sea Water experiments, wrote: "I deem it absolutely right to support the Luftwaffe in every way and to place a general physician of the Waffen-SS at his disposal to supervise the experiments." (Pro. 31) This alone is deemed to be sufficient to show that Dr. Gebhardt knew about, and approved, the performance of the Sea Water experiments as charged in the Indictment.
STERILIZATION EXPERIMENTS:
Details of the sterilization experiments will be dealt with elsewhere in this Judgment; and it is unnecessary to repeat them here, except to the extent necessary to inquire the part, if any, taken by Gebhardt therein.
On 7 and 6 July 1942 a conference took place between Himmler, Gebhardt SS-Brigadefuehrer Gluecks, and SS-Brigadefuehrer Clauberg, to discuss the sterilization of Jewesses. Dr. Clauberg was promised that the Auschwitz Concentration Camp would be placed at his disposed for experiments on human beings and animals, and he was requested to discover by means of fundamental experiments a method of sterilizing persons without their knowledge. During the course of the conference Himmler called the special attention of all present "to the fact that the matter involved was most secret and should be discussed only with the officers in charge and that the persons present at the experiments or discussions had to pledge secrecy."
From this evidence it is apparent that Gebhardt was present at the initial meeting which launched at least one phase of the sterilization program in the concentration camps and thus had knowledge and gave at least passive approval to the program.
HIGH ALTITUDE, FREEZING, MALARIA, LOST GAS, EPIDEMIC JAUNDICE, SPOTTED FEVER, POISON, AND INCENDIARY BOMB EXPERIMENTS:
Details as to the origin of and procedure followed in these experiments are discussed elsewhere in this Judgment, and will not be repeated. Our only concern is to determine to what extent, if any, the defendant Gebhardt took part in the experiments.
In these enterprises the defendant seems not to have taken any active part, as he did in the sulfanilamide experiments and in other programs.
It may be argued that his close connection with Heinrich Himmler creates a presumption that these experiments were conducted with Gebhardt's knowledge and approval. Be that as it may, no sufficient evidence to that effect has been presented, and a mere presumption is not enough in this case to convict the defendant.
Attention has been given to the brief filed by counsel for the defendant Gebhardt. For the most part it is unnecessary to discuss the theories presented in this brief, for the reason that the main reliance of the defendant seems to be that in his connection with the experiments charged in the Indictment, Dr. Gebhardt acted as a soldier in the execution of orders from an authorized superior. We can not see the applicability of the doctrine of superior orders as a defense to the charges contained in the Indictment. Such doctrine has never been held applicable to a case where the one to whom the order is given has free latitude of decision whether to accept the order or reject it. Such was the situation with reference to Gebhardt. The record makes it manifestly plain that he was not ordered to perform the experiments, but that he sought the opportunity to do so. Particularly is this true with reference to the sulfanilamide experiments: Gebhardt, in effect, took them away from Grawitz to demonstrate that certain surgical procedures advocated by him at the bedside of the mortally wounded Heydrich at Prague in May of 1942 were scientifically and surgically superior to the methods of treatment proposed by Dr. Morell, Hitler's personal physician. The doctrine, therefore, is not applicable. But even if it were, the fact of such orders could merely be considered, under Control Council Law No. 10, as palliating punishment.
Another argument presented in briefs of counsel attempts to ground itself upon the debatable proposition that in the broad interest of alleviating human suffering, a State may legally provide for medical experiments to be carried out on prisoners condemned to death without their consent, even though such experiments may involve great suffering or death for the experimental subject.
Whatever may be the right of a State with reference to its own citizens, it is certain that such legislation may not be extended so as to permit the practice upon nationals of other countries who, held in the most abject servitude, are subjected to experiments without their consent and under the most brutal and senseless conditions.
We find that Gebhardt, in his official capacity, was responsible for, aided and abetted, and took a consenting part in medical experiments performed on non-German nationals against their consent; in the course of which deaths, maiming, and other inhumane treatment resulted to the experimental subjects. To the extent that these experiments did not constitute War Crimes they constituted Crimes against Humanity.
MEMBERSHIP IN CRIMINAL ORGANIZATION:
Under Count Four of the Indictment Gebhardt is charged with being a member of an organization declared criminal by the Judgment of the International Military Tribunal, namely the SS. The evidence shows that Gebhardt became a member of the SS at least as early as 1933 and voluntarily remained in that organization until the end of the war. As one of the most influential members of the medical service of the Waffen-SS he was criminally implicated in the commission of War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity as charged under Counts Two and Three of the Indictment.
CONCLUSION Military Tribunal I finds and adjudges the defendant Karl Gebhardt guilty under Counts Two, Three and Four of the Indictment.
THE CASE BLOME The defendant Blome is charged under Counts Two and Three or the Indictment with personal responsibility for, and participation in Malaria, Lost Gas, and Sulfanilamide experiments; the extermination of tubercular Poles; and the execution of the euthanasia program.
Proof has also been adduced for the purpose of showing that he participated in the freezing, bacteriological warfare, and blood coagulation experiments.
The charge with reference to sulfanilamide experiments has been abandoned by the Prosecution and hence will not be considered further.
The defendant Blome studied medicine at Goettingen and received his medical degree in 1920. From 1924 to 1934 he engaged in private practice. In the later years he was summoned to Berlin where, in 1935, he reorganized the German Medical educational system. He also acted as adjutant in the central office of the German Red Cross and as Business Manager of the German Physician's Association, which position he held until the end of World War II. In 1938 he became President of the Bureau of the Academy for International Medical Education. From 1939 on Blome acted as deputy for Dr. Leonardo Conti who was leader of the German Physician's Association, Head of the Main Office for Public Health of the Party, and Leader of the National Socialist Physician' Association. In 1941 he became a member of the Reich Research Council, and in 1943 was appointed Plenipotentiary for Cancer Research, connected with the Research Commission for Protection against biological warfare.
Blome joined the SA in 1931 and became the Chief Medical Officer of the SA in the province of Mecklenburg. In 1934 he was appointed a province office leader, and in the SA he attained a rank equivalent to the one of Major General. In 1943 he was awarded the highest decoration of the Nazi Party.
As Plenipotentiary for Cancer Research, it was his duty to determine which re search problems should be studied and to assign such problems to scientists best fitted to investigate them.
FREEZING EXPERIMENTS:
The Prosecution argues that Blome is criminally responsible for participation in the freezing experiments as charged in the Indictment. In the sub-paragraph, which particularly refers to freezing, Blome is not named among the defendants charged with special responsibility for the experiments. Moreover, the record does not contain evidence which shows beyond a reasonable doubt that Blome bore any responsible part in the conduct of the freezing experiments.
MALARIA EXPERIMENTS:
The evidence is insufficient to disclose any criminal, responsibility of the defendant in connection with the malaria experiments.
LOST GAS EXPERIMENTS:
The evidence is insufficient to disclose any criminal responsibility of the defendant in connection with these experiments.
EXTERMINATION OF TUBERCULAR POLES: The basis for the Prosecution's case against the defendant in this regard is to be found in a series of letters with reference to the tuberculosis menace in the Reichsgau Wartheland, which had been overrun by the German Reich and settled by its citizens.
During the year 1941 the German Government began a program of extermination of the Jewish population of the Eastern occupied territories. On 1 May 1942 Greiser, the German Military Governor of Reichsgau Wartheland, wrote Himmler advising him that as to the 100, 000 Jews in the district, the "special treatment approved by Himmler was about completed." The letter then continued:
".... I ask you for permission to rescue the district immediately after the measures taken against the Jews from a menace which is increasing week by week, and use the existing and efficient special commandos for that purpose.
There are about 230,000 people of Polish nationality in my district who were diagnosed to suffer from tuberculosis. The number....
infected with open tuberculosis is estimated at about 35,000. This fact has led in an increasingly frightening measure to the infection of Germans who came to the Warthegau perfectly healthy...... a considerable number of well known leading men, especially of the police, rave been infected lately and are not available for the war effort.... The ever increasing risks were also recognized and appreciated by the deputy of the Reich Leader for Public Health, Comrade Professor Dr. Blome.....
Though in Germany proper it is not possible to take appropriate draconic steps against this public plague, I think I could take responsibility.... to have cases of open tuberculosis exterminated among the Polish race here in the Warthegau. Of course, only a Pole should be handed over for such an action, who is not only suffering from open tuberculosis, but whose incurability is proved and certified by a public health officer.
Considering the urgency of this project I ask for your approval in principle as soon as possible. This would enable us to make the preparations with all necessary precautions now to get the action against the Poles suffering from open tuberculosis under way, while the action against the Jews is in its closing stages."
"Heil Hitler!"
"Greiser" Two days later, Koppe, the police leader on Greiser's staff, wrote to Rudolf Brandt restating Greiser's proposal and urging Brandt to call the matter to Himmler's attention.
Brandt promptly acknowledged the letter, advising Koppe that the proposal had been referred to the Chief of the Security Police for opinion, but that the final decision would rest with Hitler.
On 9 June 1942 the Chief of the Security Police rendered his opinion to Himmler: "I have no scruples against having the Protectorate members and stateless persons of the Polish race... who are afflicted with open tuberculosis submitted to the special treatment in the sense of the proposal of Gauleader Greiser.
.. The individual measures, though, will first have to be discussed thoroughly with the Security Police, in order to carry out the execution with the least possible attraction of attention." The opinions thus rendered undoubtedly received the full approval of Himmler for on 27 June 1942 Rudolf Brandt passed on to Greiser a letter from Himmler containing the following decision:
"Dear Comrade Greiser!
"I have no objection to having protectorate people and stateless persons pf Polish origin who live within the territory of the Warthegau and are infected with tuberculosis handed ever for special treatment as you suggest; as long as their disease is incurable...... I would like to request, however, to discuss the individual measures in detail with the Security Police first, in order to assure inconspicuous accomplishment of the task...."
Signed H. Himmler" The Himmler letter was acknowledged by Greiser on 21 November 1942, Greiser advising Himmler that in pursuance of the permission given him to apply "special treatment" to tubercular Poles he had made arrangements for an X-Ray examination of all people in the territory, but that now that "special treatment" had been approved, Blome, Deputy Chief of the Public Health Office of the NSDAP was raising objections to its execution.
A copy of Blome's letter to Greiser was enclosed for Himmler's information.
Blome's letter to Greiser is dated 18 November 1942. It opens by recalling various conversations between the writer and Greiser concerning the campaign against tuberculosis in the Warthegau, and then proceeds to consider the matter in detail; the letter proceeding:
"With the settlement of Germans in all parts of the Gau an enormous danger has arisen for them... What goes for the Warthegau also holds true for the other annexed territories.....
Therefore, something basic must be done soon. One must decide the most efficient way in which this can be done. There are three ways to be taken into consideration:
"l. Special treatment of the seriously ill persons.
"2. Most rigorous isolation of the seriously ill persons.
"3. Creation of a reservation for all TB patients.
"For the planing, attention must he paid to different points of view of a practical, political and psychological nature. Considering it most soberly, the simplest way would be the following:
Aided by the X-Ray battalion, we could reach the entire population. German and Polish, of the Gau during the first half of 1943. As to the Germans, the treatment and isolation is to be prepared and carried out according to the regulations of Tuberculosis Relief. The approximately 35,000 Poles who are incurable and infectious will be "specially treated". All other Polish consumptives will be subjected to an appropriate cure in order to save them for work aid to avoid their causing contagion."
Blome then proceeds, stating that he has made arrangements for commen-cement of the "radical procedure", but suggests that some assurance should be procured that Hitler would agree to the project.
The letter then goes on to say:
"I could imagine that the Fuehrer, having some time ago stopped the program in the insane asylums, might at this moment consider a "special treatment" of the incurably sick as unsuitable and irresponsible from a political point of view. As regards the Euthanasia program it was a question of people of German nationality afflicted with hereditary diseases. Now it is a question of infected sick people of a subjugated nation."
Blome then voices the opinion that if the program is put into execution it cannot be kept secret and will be made the basis for much adverse and harmful propaganda both at home and abroad. He suggests accordingly that before the program is commenced all points of view should again be presented to Hitler.
Continuing, Blome writes that if Hitler should forbid the radical proposal suggested by Greiser, three other solutions were open: (l) consumptives and incurables could be isolated with their relatives; (2) all infections consumptives might be strictly isolated in nursing establishments; (3) the consumptives might be resettled in a particular area.
If the latter plan were adopted, the sick could reach the assigned territory on foot, and thus save the costs of transportation.
Blome's letter finally concludes:
"After a proper examination of all these considerations and circumstances the creation of a reservation, such as the reservations for lepers, seems to be the most practicable solution. Such a reservation should be able to be created in the shortest time by means of the necessary settlement. Within the reservation one could easily set up conditions for the strict isolation of the strongly contagious.
"Even the case of the German consumptives represents an extremely difficult problem for the Gau. But this cannot be overcome, unless the problem of the Polish consumptives is solved at the same time." The evidence shows that the letter from Greiser to Himmler, with Blome's suggestions enclosed, was acknowledged by Himmler on 3 December 1942 with the following final decision:
"Dear Party Comrade Greiser:
"I have received your letter of 21 November 1942. I, too, believe that it would be better to take into consideration the misgivings set forth by Party member Dr. Blome. In my opinion it is impossible to proceed with the sick persons in the manner intended, especially since, as you have informed me, it will be possible to exploit the practical results of the tests only in six months.
"I suggest you look for a suitable area to which the incurable consumptives can be sent. Beside the incurables, other patients with less severe cases of tuberculosis could quite well be put into this territory too. This action would also, of course, have to be exploited with the appropriate form of propaganda.
"Before writing you this letter I again thoroughly thought over whether the original idea could not in some way be carried out. However, I am convinced now that it is better to proceed the other way."
The Prosecution maintains that this series of letters which we have referred to establishes the criminal participation of the defendant Blome in the extermination of tubercular Poles. We cannot follow the argument. It is probable that the proposal to isolate tubercular Poles, as suggested by Blome and approved by Himmler, was at least partially carried out; although the record discloses but little with reference to what actually transpired. It may be that in the course of such a program Poles may have died as the result of being uprooted from their homes and sent to isolation stations; but the record contains no direct credible evidence upon the subject.
Blome explained from the witness stand his letter to Greiser by saying that it was written in order to prevent the extermination program of tubercular Poles from being put into execution. Certainly, his letter indicates on its face that he opposed the "special treatment" suggested by Greiser.
We cannot say, therefore, that the explanation offered is wholly without substance. It at least raises a reasonable doubt in our minds concerning the'matter. Blome knew Hitler and Himmler. He well knew that any objections to "special treatment" based on moral or humanitarian grounds would make but small impact upon the minds of men like these Nazi leaders. He knew, moreover, that before Greiser's proposal for extermination would be abandoned a plan which appeared to be better must be suggested. If viewed from the standpoint of factual and psychological considerations, it cannot be held that the letter was not well worded when considered as an attempt to put an end to the plan originally adopted, and to bring the substitution of another plan not so drastic. Whatever may have been its purpose, the record shows that in this particular the letter did in fact divert Himmler from his original program and that as a result thereof the extermination plan was abandoned. EUTHANASIA PROGRAM: Blome is charged with criminal responsibility in connection with the euthanasia program, but we are of opinion that the evidence is insufficient to sustain the charge.
BACTERIOLOGICAL WARFARE: The Prosecution contends that the evidence in the case established Blome's guilt in connection with research concerning different forms of bacteriological warfare. Blome who was Plenipotentiary for Cancer Research in the Reich Research Council, admits that the problem of cancer research was allied with the Research Commission for Protection against biological warfare. He admits further, that he was placed in charge of an institute near Posen in which the problems of biological warfare were to be investigated, but states that the work being done at the Posen institute was interrupted in March 1945 by the advance of the Russian Army.
This letter fact seems to be confirmed by the evidence. In this connection Schreiber appeared as a witness before the International Military Tribunal. His testimony given there has been received in evidence before this Tribunal. From the testimony it appears that Blome visited Schreiber at the Military Medical. Academy, Berlin during March 1945 and stated to him that he, Blome, had abandoned his institute in Posen due to the advance of the Russians, but before leaving had attempted to destroy his installations as he feared that the Russians might discover that preparations had been made in the institute for experiments on human beings.
Counsel for the Prosecution has brought to our judicial notice a finding by the International Military Tribunal in its judgment wherein it is found that:
"In July 1943 experimental work was begun in preparation for a campaign of bacteriological warfare; Soviet prisoners of war were used in the medical experiments, which more often than not proved fatal."
See "Trial of the Major War Criminals". Vol., I, p. 231.
It is submitted by the Prosecution that this finding of the International Military Tribunal, when considered in connection with other evidence in the case, requires this Tribunal to find the defendant Blome guilty under the indictment.
The suggestion is not tenable. It may well be that defendant Blome was preparing to experiment upon human beings in connection with bacteriological warfare, but the record fails to disclose that fact, or that he ever actually conducted experiments. The charge of the Prosecution on this item is not sustained.
POLYGAL EXPERIMENTS: The Prosecution has introduced evidence which suggests that Blome may be criminally responsible for polygal experiment conducted by Rascher at Dachau, in which Russian prisoners of war were used as experimental subjects. In our view the evidence does no more than raise a strong suspicion; it does not sustain the charge beyond a reasonable doubt.
CONCLUSION Military Tribunal I finds and adjudges the defendant Kurt Blome not guilty as charged under the indictment and directs that he be released from custody under the indictment when this Tribunal presently adjourns.
THE PRESIDENT:
Judge Crawford will continue reading the Judgment.
Under Counts Two and Three of the Indictment the defendant Rudolf Brandt is charged with special responsibility for, and participation in, High/Altitude, Freezing, Malaria, Lost Gas, Sulfanilamide, Bone, Muscle and Nerve Regeneration and Bone Transplantation, Seawater, Epidemic Jaundice, Sterilization, and Typhus Experiments. He is also charged under these counts with criminal responsibility for the murder of 112 Jews for the purpose of completing a skeleton collection for the Reich University of Strassbourg; for the murder and ill-treatment of tubercular Poles; and for the euthanasia program carried out by the German Reich.
Under Count Four of the Indictment he is charged with membership in an organization declared criminal by the Judgment of the International Military Tribunal.
The prosecution has abandoned the charge of participation in the Bone, Muscle and Nerve Regeneration and Bone Transplantation Experiment; hence, it will not be considered further.
The defendant Rudolf Brandt joined the Nazi Party in 1952. He was commissioned a Second Lieutenant in the SS in 1955. In approximately ten years he rose 11449-A to the rank of SS Colonel.
He is one of the three defendants in the case who is not a physician.
From the commencement of his career in the Nazi organization until his capture by the Allied Forces in 1945 he was directly subordinate to and closely associated with the leader of the SS, Heinrich Himmler, and he had full knowledge of his chief's personal and official interests and activities.
To Himmler, Rudolf Brandt was first of all an important and trusted clerical assistant. The record shows him to have been an unusually proficient stenographer. That is the road by which he finally arrived at a position of considerable power and authority as Personal Referent on Himmler's personal staff, Ministerial Councillor in the Ministry of the Interior, and a member of the Ahnenerbe. Acting for Himmler during his absences, Rudolf Brandt, in these positions, had a tremendous opportunity to and did exercise personal judgment and discretion in many serious and important matters.
HIGH ALTITUDE EXPERIMENTS These experiments extended from March to August 1942.
Their details are dealt with elsewhere in this judgment. A portion of the evidence in this specification consists of correspondence between the defendant Rudolf Brandt and various others in the German military service who were personally engaged in, or were closely connected with, the physical details of the experiments performed. The correspondence just previously mentioned was admitted in evidence, is well authenticated, and even standing alone, without additional oral testimony - of which there was also plenty - is deemed amply sufficient to disclose beyond reasonable doubt that except for the sanction and diligent cooperation of the defendant Rudolf Brandt, or someone occupying his position, the high altitude experiments mentioned in the indictment could not have been conducted.
Taken altogether, the evidence on this item discloses that during the period between March and August 1942 certain medical experiments were conducted at the Dachau Concentration Camp in Germany, for the benefit of the German Air Forest to determine the limits of human endurance and existence at extremely high altitudes.