Speech to German industrialists before the election of March 1933, on the dependence of private enterprise on authoritarian leadership, and the need to gain full power before destroying communism

[Speech of Hitler to Leading Members of Industry before the Election of March, 1933]
With the year 1918 a whole system collapsed. That it had to come about was often predicted, as much by economic leaders as especially, by Geheimrat Kirdorf. The revolution which the year 1918 brought us was only conditional. In any case it did not bring about the revolution such as in Russia, but only a new school of thought, which slowly initiated the dissolution of the existing order. Bismark's statement:—"Liberalism is the pacemaker of social-Democracy" is now scientifically established and proven for us. A given school of thought—thought direction—can unsuspectedly lead towards the dissolution of the foundation of the State. In our country also, a new direction of thought had gained ground which slowly led to internal disruption and became the pacemaker of Bolshevism.
Private enterprise cannot be maintained in the age of democracy ; it is conceivable only if the people have a sound idea of authority and personality. Everything positive, good and valuable, which has been achieved in the world in the field of economics and culture, is solely attributable to the importance of personality. When, however, the defence of the existing order [des Geschehenen], its political administration, is left to a majority, it will go irretrievably under. All the worldly goods which we possess, we owe to the struggle of the chosen [Auserlesenen]. Would we have had the present conditions in the Middle Ages, the foundations of our German Reich would never have been laid.
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The same mentality that was the basis for obtaining these values must be used to preserve these values. All values which make up the height of our culture originated from an entirely different mentality than that which seized its administration since 1918 The revolution is the first conclusion of a decade-old development of discord in our people. All over the world we experience this crisis of disunity. The people, however, react differently towards it, as for example in Russia and Italy. In the other countries, Germany included, this crisis, in its last possibilities and conse-sequences, is not yet being recognized. Our people has not yet sufficiently recognized that there are two souls struggling for it. Our entire life is based upon common agreements. The smallest example of this is the family and it leads on up to the State. It is an impossibility that part of the people recognizes private ownership while another part denies it. Such a struggle splits the people. The struggle lasts until one side emerges victorious. When a man deserts his unit he can be punished. When, however, 15% to 20% disregard their oath of allegiance, the unit must fail as a military instrument. The same applies to a State, if 15% of the people deny the State as a permanent recognized social order, no sound system can be set up for the general public. Therefore, it is impossible to maintain Culture, Art, Religion and Science, if a large percentage of the Nation refuses to abide by the thoughts which created such a Culture. Justice also can only be established upon generally recognized theories. Therefore, it can also be Bolshevistic, if it has to protect the Bolshevist cause. Such a condition of discord leads slowly but surely to agony, to the death of an ideology. No two ideologies can continuously live alongside one another. In such struggles the strength of a people eats itself completely up internally and therefore cannot act externally. It does not rest. This condition of attrition lasts until one. party emerges victorious or the State itself dissolves, whereby a people loses its place in history. We live in such times now, when the die must be cast, and when we must decide whether we want to adopt a form of life that supports the State or to have Communism. The latter is also thinkable. It is often being said that Communism is the last step of humanity. I believe the very opposite; it is the origin of human development. It represents the most primitive form of human life. The deeper one delves into nature, the more alike becomes its achievements, they become as in Communism more and more homogeneous. The Communist principle does not hold water. It is not by chance that one person accomplishes more than the other. The principle of private ownership which has slowly gone into the general conception of justice and
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has become a complicated process of economic life, is rooted in this fact. The course which we have to take is clearly indicated. It is, however, not enough to say: We do not want Communism in (our) Economy. If we continue on our old political course, then we shall perish. We have fully experienced in the past years that Economics and Politics cannot be separated. The Political con-, duct of the struggle is the primary decisive factor. Therefore, politically clear conditions must be reached. As Economics alone has not made the German Reich so did politics not make Economics. But each one built steadily higher upon the other. As a hand-inhand working of Politics and Economics brought us to our height, so meant the working against one another, as we experienced it after the revolution, continuous downfall. As I lay in the hospital in 1918 I experienced the revolution in Bavaria. From the very beginning I saw it as a crisis in the development of the German people, as a period of transition. Life always tears up humanity. It is therefore the noblest task of a Leader to find ideals that are stronger than the factors that pull the people apart. I recognized even while in the hospital that one had to search for new ideas conducive to reconstruction. I found them in Nationalism, in the value of personality, in the denial of reconciliation between nations, in the strength and power of individual personality. On this basis I tried to reach an understanding between two souls struggling with one another within the German people. The struggle which I undertook was so much harder because it was conducted during a time when the law for the protection of the weak and decadent held true, a law under which every nation is doomed to perish. Of course, nothing is being accomplished by simple denial of such ways of thought, one has to offer new thoughts. If one rejects pacifism, one must put a new idea in its place imme-mediately. Everything must be pushed aside, must be replaced by something better. '
For 40 years we are experiencing a continuous growth of Social Democracy. Bismark said shortly before he retired:—"If this keeps up, Marx must remain victorious''.
The creative and decomposing forces in a people always fight against one another. In this struggle one side always gains ever greater heights than the other, and therefore I have been following the development of Social-Democracy with steadily growing concern and said to myself, we must come to a decision. I have repeatedly taken the occasion to point out to responsible people what dangers were threatening the German people. Time and again it was argued, amongst others, by von Seeckt, that at the present time this would mean civil war. And when, a few years
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ago, the number of Socialist seats went back a little, I was told triumphantly:—"Look here, the danger is already over". They always comforted themselves with the hope that the Socialist movement would slow down by itself. The danger, however, cannot be overcome by such means. Human beings are nothing less but equal, and if human beings are not led, they drop back into the most primitive ancient state. It was this perception that moved me to found a new Nationalist movement, which after 14 years-of struggle has become a leading force in the German Reich. We must not forget that all the benefits of culture must be introduced more or less with an iron fist, just as once upon a time the farmers were forced to plant potatoes. For all this however, courage, and iron will and perseverance are essential.
We stand to-day facing the following situation:—Weimar imposed upon us a certain constitutional order by which they put us on a democratic basis. By that we were, however, not provided with an able governmental authority. On the contrary, as 1 criticized Democracy before, Communism had to bore its way constantly deeper into the German people. The result was an ever increasing tension, by which also—and that is almost the worst— the courts did not remain uninfluenced. Two fronts have thus shaped themselves which put to us the choice:—either Marxism in its purest form or the other side. One cannot assume the point of view and say:—the other side will gradually break through again. Such an attitude means defeat. When I wanted to act, I was advised to wait a while. But I did not agree to such tolerance. With the very same courage with which we go to work to make up for what had been sinned during the last 14 years, we have withstood all attempts to move us off the right way. We have turned down the favour (benevolence) of the Catholic Centre Party [Zentrum] to tolerate us. Hugenberg has too small a movement. He has only considerably slowed down our development. We must first gain complete power if we want to crush the other side completely. While still gaining power one should not start the struggle against the opponent. Only when one knows that one has reached the pinnacle of power, that there is no further possible upward development, shall one strike. In Prussia we must gain another 10 seats and in the Reich proper another 33. That is not impossible if we throw in all our strength. Then only begins second action against Communism.
Now we stand before the last election. Regardless of the outcome there will be no retreat [Rueckfall], even if the coming election does not bring about a decision. One way or another, if the election does, not decide, the decision must be brought about even
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by other means, [Eben auf einem anderen Weg fallen] I have intervened in order to give the people once more the chance to decide their fate by themselves. This determination is a strong asset for whatever must possibly happen later. Does the election bring no result, well, Germany won't go to ruin. Today, as never before, everyone is under the obligation to pledge himself to success. The necessity to make sacrifices has never been greater than now. For Economy I have the one wish that it go parallel with the internal structure to meet a calm future. The question of restoration of the Wehrmacht will not be decided at Geneva, but in Germany, when we have gained internal strength through internal peace. There will, however, be no internal peace until Marxism is eliminated [Erledigt]. Here lies the decision which we must go to meet, hard as the struggle might be. I put my life into this struggle day after day as do all those who joined me in this struggle. There are only two possibilities, either to crowd back the opponent on constitutional grounds, and for this purpose once more this election, or a struggle will be conducted with other weapons, which may demand greater sacrifices. I would like to see them avoided. I hope the German people thus recognize the greatness of the hour. It shall decide over the next 10 or probably even 100 years. It will become a turning point in German history, to which I pledge myself with glowing energy.
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Goering:—He counted on it that with political appeasement, domestic economy will also quiet down. No experiments would be made. However, to attain the goal, all forces must be mustered on March 5th. Above all it is important to penetrate into the circles that are still disconcerted with Marxism and slumber uselessly in aggravation and bitterness. Most of the internal political obstacles have been removed after unity with the other groups of similar ideology was achieved under one plan, This present unity should be made deeper. No matter how the election comes out, the distribution of forces should remain the same. In the coming struggle everyone must perform in his own field. The German Nationals [Deutschnazionalen] will attack where successes can no longer be achieved by the National-Socialists. On the other hand the National-Socialists will be given a task which has no prospects for the others. Without doubt we must do the most work, for we must penetrate with our S.A. men into the darkest quarters of the cities and operate there from mouth to mouth and fight for every single soul.
Goering considered to some extent the great dangers connected with this election battle. He then led over very cleverly to the
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necessity that other circles not taking part in this political battle should at least make the financial sacrifices so necessary at this time. These were so much more necessary because not even one penny of the taxpayers money would be asked for. Government funds would not be used. The sacrifices asked for surely would be so much easier for industry to bear if it realized that the election of March 5th will surely be the last one for the next ten years, probably even for the next hundred years.