provisions which regard Luxembourg and those which concern other annexed countries.
On the date of August 30, 1942, two decrees were promulgated. It must be pointed out here that these two decrees, of which one concerns nationality and the other military service, are both of the same date. decree concerning nationality is submitted as document 805. The legislation concerning nationality includes, moreover, a provision which is special to Luxembourg, although it is in conformity with the general spirit of German legislation concerning nationality in annexed countries. type, of which the principle one was the Volksdeutsche Bewegung, and here is the special circumstance which I wish to point out. A decree concerning nationality of the 30 of August, 1942, grants German nationality to persons who gave their adherence to this association, the Volksdeutsche Bewegung, but this nationality could be revoked. This is pointed out in the last part of the first part of that document. In fact, this conferring of nationality in special cases had value only for two years and that provisionally. obligatory for all young Luxembourgers to serve in the pre-military associations of the Hitler-Jugend. This is brought out in a decree of August 25, 1942, concerning the camps of Hitler Youth, which is Document 806. Just as in Alsace and Lorraine, compulsory labor was imposed in Luxembourg, not only for men but also for women, and also for work which was of a military nature. These provisions are clear from three decrees; the decree of May 23, 1941, the decree of February 10, 1943, and the decree of February 12, 1943. These last two decrees are introduced as document 807 and 808. bourg, of which proof is found in the official report of the Government of Luxembourg, which has already been submitted to the Tribunal. According to this report, page 4, paragraphs 7 to 8, it is stipulated -- the quotation is short and I did not put all the official report in the document book, and I will only cite one sentence.
By decree, which appeared in the official report for Luxembourg, 1942, page 232:
"Part of the Luxembourg population was forced to enter into the personnel of a group called 'Sicherheits' and 'Hilfsdienst', a paramilitary organization, which wore uniforms and carried out military drills. A part was sent forcibly to Germany to carry out their tasks, which were very dangerous at the time of the aerial attacks of the Allied forces." They thought up a special method for this country, of which the original conception was founded on the linguistic element. They developed the official thesis that the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg belonged to the German linguistic group. They formulated propaganda, according to which the dialect spoken in Luxembourg was a Franconian dialect of the Moselle and constituted a variant of high German and, after having developed this theory, they took a cencus of the population, of which the witness spoke yesterday to the Tribunal. This census took place on the 10 of October 1941. I wished to have the witness speak on this point because no information on the result of the census was furnished in the official report of the government and the Tribunal now knows for what reason since the Tribunal learned that the German authorities had immediately stopped the census as soon as they observed that the number of persons who corresponded to their desires was ridiculously small in number. ceased to be merely a political front for them. By memorandum of the 13 of January, 1942, which I submit as document 809, they forbade officials to use this dialect in conversations with the public, either orally or by telephone, which obviously troubled a great number of persons. creation of groups with the customary point of view. The principal of these groups was the Volksdeutsche Bewegung and I shall cite, in concluding this point, a sentence from the Luxembourg report, which is thus expressed:
"Adherence to the Volksdeutsche Bewegung was the condition sine qua non for the maintenance of officials in their official positions; of private employees in their positionsl of liberal careers in the exercise of their profession, lawyers, physicians and so forth; industrialists in their property and everyone in his way of earning his living. The constraint was marked by people being discharged, by people being taken out of the country and whoe families being deported." these solicitations, was accompanied by a formula which shows the Nazi mentality and which I shall read to the Tribunal, according to the text, which is found in the government report. It is very short quotation.
"Because of their attitude these persons do not offer the guarantee that they will fulfil in an exemplary manner at any time or without any reservation and during the outside their professional activity, they will not fulfil the duties which find their foundation in the establishment of the civil administration in Luxembourg and in the pro-German attitude (sic:) of the population."
THE PRESIDENT: Have we got this report? Has this governmental report been deposited?
M. FAURE: The report of the Luxembourg Government was submitted to the Tribunal by my colleague M. Dubost and I only submitted a very short quotation and therefore did not put it in the document book.
THE PRESIDENT: M. Faure, it would help me if, when you are citing, and you do not have the document in the document book, you gave me the page of the dossier.
M. FAURE: I shall give the page in a moment, the page of the citation which I just gave.
THE PRESIDENT: I think it is on page 3399.
M. FAURE: I am told it is page 4, Mr. President, page 4 of the document concerning Luxembourg. to the SA as well as to the motorized group of the SA, which is designated by the initials NSKK.
made towards the youth of Luxembourg because 'the Nazis thought it would be easier to have them accept their precepts and their doctrines and I must also say they even thought they could get small children to accept these doctrines. May, 1941, addressed to the Director of Higher Education. This is a very short document and I ask you to permit me to read from it.
"Upon order of the Gauleiter, the members of the teaching body are obliged to acquire, from the 1st of January 1941) the book of the Fuehrer "Mein Kampf." From here to the 1st of September, 1941, every member of the teaching personnel must make a statement on his honor that he has read this work," The Germans thought then that the obligatory reading of "Mein Kampf", for which they anticipated a delay of three months, might convince the professors of the value of these Nazi doctrines, who, in turn, could then teach it to the pupils.
the Tribunal, because it is not long. It is quite characteristic. This is an extract from a memorandum addressed to the pupils of Luxembourg, 16th of June, 1941:
"It is the duty of all pupils to arise when the professor arrives and also when he leaves the class at the end of his courses. The German salutation will be done as follows: You must lift the right hand to the height of the shoulder and then must say 'Heil Hitler.' The pupils are obliged to reply to the professor, who will begin and will end his course by the same salutation. I expect also from all pupils that they greet in the German fashion each other in the street and that they greet gentlemen whom they know to be enthusiastic partisans of this doctrine." of the oath of allegiance to Hitler, the oath Which was imposed upon the state police. I refer on this point to the testimony of M. Reuter, which specifies that those who refused to do so were deported, and most of them were shot. I also submit as proof on this point a report of the government, which gives corresponding information, on page 12. these German methods, and there also they tried to break the resistance by terror. I should mention a regulation -- quite special -- which was the decree of the 2nd of June, 1941. This will be document 812, which has as a title. "Decree on the entering in force in Luxembourg, of the law of February, 1936, concerning the Gestapo." This title is adequate to show the subject. tribunals, which were called "Standgericht", and which were SS tribunals. These jurisdicitions, if we can use the term of jurisdiction, pronounced numerous condemnations for political reasons.
A chart of these convictions is appended to the governmental report. In one tribunal of which I spoke a short time ago there were sixteen death sentences, and 384 were convicted and given penalties which deprived them of their liberty. The report specifies, and the witnesses also confirm it, that there were about 500 who were condemned to death in the country, which is a considerable number when the population is not very great. Germanization and the measures of deportation, which the Tribunal already knows by the testimony of M. Reuter. These measures of deportation were applied systematically to the intellectual elite of the country, to the clergy and persons who had served in the army. These circumstances show the will to do away with the social backbone--intellectual and moral backbone--of this country. deportations of officers, of magistrates--men who were interested in the politics in the Grand Duchy--writers, economic leaders. I shall only give one figure on a striking point. We see the Germans expelled or deported 75 ecclesiastics, which, in relation to a population such as that of Luxembourg, shows clearly the will to paralyze completely the celebration of religion. The official report also gives information concerning the property of religious orders which was confiscated, and most of the buildings which were used in the celebrating ceremonies were confiscated.
Concerning the agricultural colonization: An organization called "Fur Deutsche Volkstum und Siedelung" was entrusted with the liquidation of the property of Luxembourg deportees for the benefit of Tyroleans in the south who then came into the Grand Duchy.
Also, industrial and economic colonization: We find the same methods here --spoliations. I don't want to go over this ground, for the Tribunal already knows the way in which they were carried out, but I should like here to cite one example concerning Luxembourg, concerning general points of the methods and to give a documentary example. From this example, this document that I have cited, I think that you can deduct important conclusions from the point of view of the application. among others -- one case in which the German authorities wished to oblige private citizens and economic companies to give up their assets and to give over the control of their businesses to the Germans.
That was colonization, and consisted in putting German nationals in the business affairs with the important assets of an economic nature. The Minister of Economy concerned himself with these methods, these illicit methods which were destined to spoliate the private citizens and to Germanize the country. The document bears the number 813. It is offered as a document by(the Luxembourg Government, and it is an original document. You find in the heading "The Reich Minister of Economy," signed the 5th of January 1943, Berlin. This letter had the heading "The Minister of Reich Economy", and is signed by the order of Dr. Saagor. He is a subordinate who is acting in a legal fashion, administratively, on the order of his minister. This letter bears the letters "Secret", and concerns the Tudor battery firm, and is addressed to the battery factory to the hands of Mr. von Holtzendorf of Berlin, Place Askanienne No. 3. We understand that the Ministry of Economy requests that this battery firm should be forced to yield its interest to the Germans. I quote:.
"Referring to our repeated conversations, I confirm that it is in the interests of the Empire and is considered very desirable that your company obtain a definite share of direction in the stock of the Tudor Batteries. This interest of the Empire is not founded on requirements of economic order of national defense.
"In order to obtain this important participation, shares belonging to Mr. Leon Laval, previously in Luxembourg and now in Mergentheim, are of first importance. It is not only the shares of Mr. Laval that he possesses personally, but, moreover, the 3,000 Tudor shares which are in the hands of Sogeco."
I now come to a very important paragraph:
"I ask, consequently, that the necessary negotiations be undertaken immediately. I am anxious to have it pointed out that you will have, first of all, the authority of the Gestapo and the authorization of the State Police to negotiate with Mr. Laval, and then you can request the latter for an agreement to transfer these shares to your company, in the event that Mr.Laval will give his agreement. I have informed the Gestapo of the question. If the result of your negotiations makes it useful, I am ready to once again point out to the Gestapo how urgent your mission is." End of the quotation.
which continues the maneuver with which the Reich Minister of Economy was shown to be in connection with the Gestapo in order to obtain the spoliation of private citizens. This letter is a letter addressed to a private citizen, who was going to be obliged to sell his shares, Dr. Engineer Leon Laval. Here is the text of this letter, which is dated Luxembourg, 14 January 1942, which bears the heading of the Commander of Security Police in the SD inLuxembourg:
"You must remember the date of 19 January 1942 and the following days, at your residence, which are at the disposal of the representative of the battery factory A.G. Berlin, the director von Holtzendorf." The quotation is interrupted. was addressed, was in the Reich Ministry of Economy. I continue the quotation:
"Mr. von Holtzendorf is in possession of a special authorization of the RSHA, and will discuss these business matters with you. Heil Hitler. Signed, Hartmann." isn't because I find it very important in the scope of this trial that the Tudor Battery firm was despoiled, an illicit act which was to their prejudice, but I want especially, and I think it is a very important in the trial, to emphasize, and I shall do it each time when the document gives me the opportunity, the interference which exists between the different German services or authorities of which the defendants were the chiefs or leaders. Certain persons can't believe that all the German crimes must be imputed to the Gestapo. It is certain that the Gestapo is a criminal organization--a quite characteristic criminal organization--but the Gestapo did not function all by itself. The Gestapo acted on the order and in liaison with the civil administration and with the military command. We heard yesterday, in relation to the Bishop of Strasbourg and also in relation to the University of Strasbourg, this plan of recourse which the civil minister and his representatives had to the police agents. We also see and note that in relation to the economic documents which I have just read to the Tribunal.
I shall conclude now the first chapter of my brief. I want to make it known that the work for the documentation and the preparation of this chapter was carried out with the aid of my assistant, Mr. Albert Lunter.
chapter, concerning the seizure of sovereignty. This first dossier includes general ideas which I think I should take up with the Tribunal before supporting them by documents. Consequently, the Tribunal has before them a dossier, and in the first part of this dossier there are no documents. Luxembourg, which was annexed and of which I spoke just now. Of these five countries, three kept governmental authority. These are Denmark, Norway, and France. However, the cases of these three countries are entirely different. The Government of Denmark was a legitimate government; the government of France was a de facto government, which at the beginning exercised a real authority over the non-occupied territories; the government of Norway was also a de facto government, which has reamined the symbol of puppet governments. The two other powers, Belgium and Holland, did not keep authorities with a governmental character, but only those with administrative authority, of which the highest were the general secretariats of the ministerial departments. use, differentiated their methods of domination. Moreover, they did not establish a method corresponding to the internal organization of each country under consideration. At first it was rather complate. From an initial point of view, the usurpation of sovereignty by the occupying power assumed three different forms. We shall speak here of the external method. First form: Exercise of direct legislative or regulatory power. In saying this we mean the exercise in all the measures in which it surpassed the powers of limited regulation accorded to the occupation armies according to international law. Second form: The indirect exercise of the legislative or administrative power through local authorities. This measure includes itself two divisions: First, a mere order by regulation, which, in the case of local authorities, are administrative authorities; on the other hand, pressure, which is the case when the local authorities are authorities of a governmental character, either de facto or de jure. It should be noted, moreover, that the pressure sometimes takes on a characteristic which assimilates it completely with the mere order by regulations. the complicity of traitors.
The third form is purely and simply the use of force. We do not mean by this individual assault and battery, for this does not concern us. We mean force which results from the order of a competent occupation authority, which consequently entails the responsibility of a superior.
we observe that these agents may be classified in five categories:
1. In the first place, we have the establishment of the Reichkommissar, which was only applied in Norway and in Holland. That is to say, on the one hand it was applied to a country which kept a governmental authority, at least in appearance and during a definite period; on the other hand, it was applied to a country which had only administrative authority.
2. In the second place, we have the military administration. The military authorities exercised in all countries powers absolutely disproportionate to those which belonged to thorn lawfully. the military authority, were able to carry out usurpation through issuing directly legislative acts or regulations. In the two powers, where there existed a Reichkommissar, there was naturally a sharing of powers between this Reichkommissar and the military authority.
3. The third agent of usurpation is established by the diplomatic administration which depends on the Foreign Office. Diplomatic representations existed only in countries which had governmental authorities and where there did not exist a Reichkommissar. We are talking of Denmark and of France. the Reichkommissar and the military authority - did not have illicit power, but formal power of legislation or issuing regulations. Nevertheless, their role in the usurpation of sovereignty is not secondary. It is, on the contrary, very important. Their principal activity was manifested, naturally, in direct pressure upon local authorities to whom they were accredited.
I should like to bring out two points here. It might be thought, from a logical point of view, that in an occupied country like France, the intervention of the occupying powers with the local authorities would be the exclusive authority of diplomatic representatives. Such is not the case. The military authority also intervened on frequent occasions through direct contact with French authorities. Inversely, the diplomatic representatives die not limit themselves to the powers inherent to their functions. That is one of the characteristics of the Nazi method, exceeding general powers.
It is, moreover, upon reflection, a necessary result of the undertaking. occupied in a military fashion is an illicit and abnormal matter, it does not come within the normal competency of the categories of public functions as understood by civilized nations. The diplomatics, as well as the military, exceeded their powers, and there was also an overlapping of functions. The diplomats and the military were concerned with the same things. We shall see this in relation to propaganda, for instance; we shall see it in relation to the persecution of the Jews. The military authority, in general, acted in a more obvious way: The diplomatic administration acted, by preference, in domains which were not publicized. There existed between them a constant liaison for all questions which concerned the occupied countries.
4. The fourth agent of usurpation was the police administration. The German police was set up in all occupied countries, often under the form of several distinct administrations, according to the principles which were presented to the Tribunal when the American prosecution revealed the inner workings of the immense, complex, and terrible police organism of the Nazis. The police did not have limited or exclusive functions. They acted in close and constant relation with the other agents which we have defined.
5. The fifth agent which we must mention is represented by the local branches of the National Socialist party and the organizations similarly inspired which sought to group the nations of the occupied countries. These organizations served as auxiliaries to the German authorities, and in a specific case in Norway they furnished the foundation of a so-called government. from it a conclusion which has a direct bearing on the accusation which I have already touched upon during my exposition on Luxembourg. ereignty, was carried out by means of different organs which were associated in this action. We must not forget that in the occupied countries this usurpation was the method of realization.
This usurpation, as I said, was not the exclusive work of one official or of one ambassador or of one military commander. In countries which had a Reichkommissar there also existed a military administration. In countries placed under the sole regulating authority of the Army there also existed diplomatic agents. In all cases there existed police authorities. from the usurpation of the sovereignty, abuses and systematic crimes. The Tribunal already knows many of them. Others will be pointed out to the Tribunal. for these abuses does not involve only one or the other of the administrations which we have mentioned. It involves all of the administrations. If, for instance, it is true that in Belgium there was no diplomatic representation, this representative existed in France and in Denmark. Thus, the Department of Foreign Affairs and its leader could not be ignorant of the occupation conditions which, as far as the principal features are concerned, were established in the different countries. fixed division of functions. Even if this division of functions had existed, it must be pointed out that the responsibility and the complicity of each in the action of the others would have sufficiently resulted from their obvious knowledge and their approval - which was at least implicit - as far as this action was concerned. However, this division did not exist, and we shall show that all were associated and accessory to a common action.
Now, this very fact involves a more extensive consequence. The association and the complicity of these different departments involves a responsibility of a general nature as far as all the leaders and all the organization. accused here are concerned.
I wish to speak of this a little further. If, for instance, all the abuses and all the crimes were the work only of the Army without any interference, perhaps it would be possible for one personage, for one organization which did not have military functions, to claim that it had no knowledge of these abuses and of these crimes.
I think that this thesis would be, even in this case, difficult to uphold since the extraordinary character of the undertakings which we denounce did not permit them to be ignored by anyone who exercised a higher authority. However, since several administrations are jointly responsible, it follows necessarily that the other authorities are also responsible for the matter. As far as this point is concerned, it was the affair of not one administration or even of three administrations, but the affair of all the administrations. It involved all the authorities of the state. show that this order was the result of a common action of the military administration, the diplomatic administration, and the Security Police in the case of France. It follows that in the first place the leader of the High Command, in the second place, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and in the third place the Chief of the Security Police and the Reich Security Service were all necessarily informed and necessarily approved, this action, for it is evident that their offices did not keep them in ignorance of such actions concerning important affairs, where, moreover, decisions were planned in common in each echelon among the throe different administrations.
Then, there are three personages who are responsible and guilty. But can it be thought that by an extraordinary chance, among the persons who directed the Reich as ministers or with equivalent titles, those three persons were criminals and were the only ones who were criminals and they had conspired among themselves to hide from the others their criminal actions This idea is evidently absured. With the interpenetration of all the executive branches in a modern state, all the leaders of the Reich necessarily were aware of the usurpation of sovereignty in the occupied countries and were aware of the criminal abuses which resulted from them. a special case. Then I shall speak of the civil administration which existed in Norway and in Holland, and finally I shall speak of the military administration which was the regime in Belgium and in France.
this moment, or, if the Tribunal prefers, I can Continue now.
THE PRESIDENT: We will adjourn now, M. Faure.
M. FAURE: Mr. President, after the recess I should like to call the witness of whom I spoke yesterday to the Tribunal. I would like to mention one fact, however. Yesterday the lawyer for Seyss-Inquart requested that it be made possible for him to cross examine this witness on Monday. Now, Mr. Vorrink, who is my witness, finds himself absolutely forced to leave Nurnberg this evening. I think, then, that the lawyer for Seyss-Inquart might cross examine him today. 'I should like, in any event, to note the modifications of the request which I made yesterday.
THE PRESIDENT: Wouldn't it be possible, if counsel for Seyss-Inquart wants to cross examine the witness, for the witness to be brought back at some other date?
M. FAURE: My witness can come back, naturally, at another date in the event that it is necessary.
THE PRESIDENT: Let him go this evening in accordance with arrangements that he has made, and then at some date convenient to him he could be brought back if the defendant's counsel want to cross examine him.
(Whereupon a recess was taken from 1120 to 1130 hours).
THE PRESIDENT: Monsieur Faure?
M. FAURE: Mr, President, may I ask the Tribunal if you are willing to have a witness called at this point?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes.
M. FAURE: May I state to the Tribunal that this witness, speaks Dutch as his native tongue, which language is not provided for in the interpreting system, but he will speak in the German language, which he knows well.
(The witness took his place in the box).
Q. What is your name?
A. Vorrink.
Q. Your Christian name, your first name?
A. Jacobus.
Q. Do you swear to speak without hate or fear, to say the truth, all the truth and only the truth? Will you raise your right hand and say, "I swear"?
(The witness raised his right hand).
A. I swear.
BY M. FAURE:
Q. Mr. Vorrink, you are a Senator in the Netherlands?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. You are President of the Socialist Party in the Low Countries?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. You exercised these functions in 1940 at the time of the invasion of the Low Countries by the Germans?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. I would like to ask you to give a few explanations on the following situations: There existed in the Low Countries, even before the invasion, a National Socialist Party. I would like you to state what the situation was after the invasion by the Germans and the Occupation, with regard to the different political parties in the Low Countries, and specifically with regard to the National Socialist Party. And what were the interventions of this Party in liaison with the German Occupation?
A. I would prefer to speak in the Dutch language - I am sorry that I do not know French and English well enough to use these languages - but in order not to delay the proceedings I will give my answers in German. This is the sole reason I am using the German language. such that in the first place the German Army wanted to maintain public order in Holland, but at once the real Nazis came with Wehrmacht and tried at once to influence and direct the life in Holland, and according to their concepts. There were among the Germans, three tendencies. In the first place, there were those who believed in "blood and soil". They wanted to convert all of Holland to their uses. I must say that this was in certain respects our misfortune, for those people have on the basis of their theory -- they loved us too much and when that love was not reciprocated the love turned into hate.
informed and these people knew perfectly well that the Dutch National Socialists formed only a very small part of the population hated by the others They received at the elections of 1935 only 8 per cent of the votes. However, two years later this percentage had been reduced to one-half, and these people were tactlessness itself. For instance, they were able when the ruins of Rotterdam were smoking to make a demonstration at which the Dutch representative dedicated to Goering a new bell, so to speak, as thanks for his achievements for the benefit of Holland. Thank God it has not prevented him from being defeated. wanted to destroy the national unity of Holland. These people in the first place tried through Seyss-Inquart to gain the favor of the Dutch people. Just as Seyss-Inquart did, they always emphasized the affinity between the two people, that they should cooperate; and behind the scenes they have placed one Nazi group against the other. Party. There was the real Nationalist movement of Holland. And there was the so-called National Front. And these three movements had all their contacts with certain German places. The Germans first tried to find out whether it was possible to use these groups for their purposes. Slowly, however, they recognized that it was not possible to work with these groups satisfactorily and so eventually they decided to stick to the National Socialist movement. Dutch administration. They were accorded prominent positions in the administration. They became Kommissars of the Provinces. They became Mayors.
I would like to point out some little details as to that. There was not enough people qualified as Mayors, so there upon they instituted short courses of instruction, and it really was a record: They turned out Mayors in Holland within three weeks. You can imagine what kind of Mayors they were. had been Nazified, and in commercial enterprises, and thereby, of course, they occupied positions of power in Holland.
In these posts they behaved just like cowards and knaves, as Nazis would. Russia in the name of the fight against Bolshevism.
Eventually, in December 1942, Seyss-Inquart declared the Nazi Party as the representative of the political development of 'Holland. I would say that if it hadn't been so sad, one might have laughed at that. I must add that the Nazi Party in political respects was nothing but a shadow, with the single but important exception that these people had occasionally the opportunity to deal with personal matters. I would add in the second place that sometimes they persuaded young Dutchmen to enter the SS formations -and during the last years that became even worse. Then they even put the young boys, without their parents' permission, into the SS. That went so far that they forced young boys from correctional institutions into the SS. Sometimes young boys who for certain reasons were at odds with their parents were taken into the SS. And to sum up, I would say that one should -- as I have done -speak to these boys and children in Holland in order to see what a crime was committed against these young people.
Q Mr. Vorrink, am I to understand that the whole of the procedure employed by the Germans was intended to achieve the Nazification of Holland and that if there existed -- as you have indicated -- several varying tendencies amongst the Germans, these tendencies differed only in so far as the means to be employed were concerned and not with respect to the purpose of Germanization? spheres of our national life. They tried in every domain to introduce the system of the Fuehrer. I would like to point out that contrary to our original expectations, they did not express the Socialist formations, but one just tried to swallow them. Very simply, they sent Nasi Kommissars and told the people that the era of democracy had passed, "Just go on under the leadership of the Kommissar and you can still help the workers. It is not necessary that there be any change." They even tried that with the Dutch political party. conversation with Mr. von Tonningen who told me that it was a pity that the good cultural work in the case of the workmen should cease, and that after all I should be willing to cooperate with him for Socialist purposes and this cooperation should be possible. In this long conversation I refused that. I told him that for us, democracy was not a question of opportunism, but a part of our general ideology, and that we were not prepared to commit that treason as far as our convictions were concerned.
slowly the workers -- thousands and tens of thousands of them -- left their organizations. when finally the National Labor Front was created, with the Catholic and Christian Trade Unions, there was an organization all right, but no members. occurred against the Jews? the persecution of the Jews. They may know that we in Holland -- and especially in Amsterdam -- had strong Jewish minorities. These Jews took a very active part in the public and cultural life of Holland, and I might say there was no anti-Semitism in Holland. they would not harm the Jews at all. Nevertheless, as early as the first weeks there was a wave of suicides, and during the following month there came the measures against the Jews. The professors in the University were forced to resign. The president of the highest court in Holland was dismissed. Then the Jews had to register. Finally the time came when the Jews were deporte in great numbers.