proceedings or trials were taking place. These were characterized in such a way that the defendants were accusing each other in against arising way. In part they cited great numbers of crimes which they had committed or which they claimed to have committed. At the end, *---* death sentences were passed against them, they clapped their approval. the impression that these defendants, through a means unknown up until that time, had been transported to an abnormal state of mind, and that was the reason for their behavious, the reason they acted the way they did.
(Hess)
These incidents were recalled to my mind through a certain happening; in England. It wasn't possible for me there to receive the reports on the proceedings at that time just the way I had not had them here, but here the various numbers of the newspapers "Voelkischer Beobachter" were at my disposal. When I perused those number, I got to the date of the 8th of March, there was a passage I found -- here in a report from Paris, under the date of the 7th of March, 1938, it reads as follows: A large Paris newspaper "Le Jour" made revelations about the means which obviously were viewed in these trials. This is a rather mysterious means. I quote literally: this is the report:
"This means affords the possibility that the victims are them" and I emphasize and should like to refer to the fact that in this report of "Le Jour" it does not only say that they can be made to speak according to orders given them but that they can be made to act according to the orders given them.
The latter point is of tremendous importance in connection with the actions which had not been explained, of the personnel of the German concentration camps, including the physicians and scientists who carried through these atrocious experiments on the inmates, incidents Which normal human beings, especially physicians and scientists, could not possibly carry out. But it is of equally great significance as well, when we look at the actions of those people who, without doubt, gave the orders and directions for these atrocities in the concentration camps and who gave the order to shoot prisoners of war, and lynch-mob justice and others all the way up to the Fuehrer himself. Fieldmarshal Milch testified here that he had the impression that the Fuehrer during the last years was not quite normal mentally and a series of my comrades here quite independently of each other and without having any knowlodge of the testimony which I am giving new, my comrades have told me that the facial expressions and the expression of the eyes of the Fuehrer in the last years contained something cruel and even had a tendency towards madness and I can callthe comrades involved by name.
of the reports of the earlier trials. My motive was that my surroundings during my internment acted towards me in an inexplicable way, in a way which would lead me to include that these people somehow were acting in a state of mind which was not normal. At the same time, these people of my surroundings, the people that surrounded me were exchanged from time to time, some of them who had been exchanged, and new people who came in, some of them bad Strange eyes. They were glassy eyes and they had a dreamy cast. The symptoms, however, lasted but a few days and then they created a completely normal impression. They could not be differentiated from completely normal beings. Not only I noted those strange eyes but the doctor who attended, me at the time, Dr. Jones Johnston, A British military physician, a Scotsman. In the Spring of 1942 I had a visitor, a visitor who quite obviously wanted to be nice to me and acted in a strange way towards me. This visitor had those stranger eyes. Afterwards, Dr. Johnston asked me just what my opinion was of this visitor. He told me--rather, I told him that I had had the impression that for some reason or other he was not quite normal mentally and Dr. Johnston, not quite the way I expected, protested but agreed with me and asked me whether these strange eyes had not come to my attention, these eyes that had adreamy cast. Dr. Johnston did not suspect that he, himself, when he visited me, had the same eyes. still be found in the press archives, these are the trials which took place in Moscow; in these reports, it said that the defendants had strange eyes but they had glassy and dreamy eyes. I have already stated that I am convinced that the government involved know nothing of those happenings; therefore, it would not be in the interest of the British Government, in my statements about that which I experienced in my internment, the outside world, would be excluded; for in this way the impression would arise as if, in fact, something was to be concealed. or in fact the British Government had been involved or had her fingers in the pie. On the contrary, I am convinced that the Government of Churchill, as well as the present government, gave directions that I was to be treated fairly and according to the rules of the Geneva Convention.
I fully realize that everything that I should like to state, dealing with, the treatment which I received, on first glance will be incredible but to my good luck, at an earlier period of time, prison guards treated the inmates which, first of all, at first glance, seemed quite incredible when the first rumors of this treatment reached the world. These rumors were to the effect that quite deliberately, prisoners had been permitted to starve to death, that the sparse food which they had been given, among other things, had been mixed with ground glass; that the physicians who attended the prisoners Who had taken ill as a result of this, that the prisoners had received harmful medicants and harmful medicines and in that way the number of victims was increased that way. For a fact, all of these rumors afterwards came out to be true. It is an historical fact that a monument was erected for 26,000 or so poor women and children who, in British concentration camps, who died in British concentration camps, who in the most part died of hunger. Many Englishmen, among other Lloyd George, at that time objected to these happenings in British concentration camps and protested most emphatically -- and an English eye-witness, Miss Emily Hopfords objected; however, at that time, the world stood before the riddle which could not be explained, for the same riddle which the word is confronted with today, relating to the happenings in German concentration camps. At that time, the British people stood before a riddle which could not be solved and the same riddle which confronts the German people today in connection with the happenings in German concentration camps, even the British Government itself, at that time, as far as the incidents in the South African concentration camps are cone earned, the British Government found, herself confronted with the riddle. The same enigma which faces today the members of the British Government and the other defendants in this trial and the ether trials, as far as the incidents in German concentration camps were concerned. say about the incident, during my own arrest and incarceration in England, that I should like to make those statements under oath; however, it was quite impossible for me to bring my defense counsel to the point where he would declare himself willing to put these questions to me and in the same way, it was impossible for me to set out another defense counsel to put these questions to me, but it is of the utmost significance that that which I am saying; has been said under oath and under oath I should like to state that now I swear by God the Almighty and Omniscient, that I am saying the pure truth, that I shall leave out nothing and add nothing.
I should like to ask the High Tribunal therefore, to consider everything which I will say from now on as being under my oath and I should like to interpolate regarding my oath that I am not a church person. I had no innerrelationship to the churches, but I am a deeply religious person. I am convinced that my belief in God is stronger than that of most other peoples and there I ask that high Tribunal to evaluate these things which I am stating under oath and calling upon God as my witness.
In the spring of 1942 -
THE PRESIDENT: I must draw the attention of the defendant Hess to the fact that he has already spoken for twenty minutes, and the Tribunal has indicated to the defendants that it cannot allow then to continue to make Statements of great length at this stage of the proceedings.
We have to hear all the defendants. The Tribunal, therefore, hopes that the defendant Hess will conclude his speech.
DEFENDANT HESS: Mr. President, may I call the attention of the High Tribunal to the fact that I took into account that I am the only defendant who, up till now, has not made any statement For those things which I should like to say now, I could have said as a witness only if corresponding questions had been put to no. But as I have already stated -
THE PRESIDENT: I do not propose to argue with the defendants. The Tribunal has made its order that the defendants shall only make short statements. The defendant Hess had a full opportunity to go into the witness box raid give his evidence upon oath. He chose not to do so. defendants and will be confined to a short statement.
DEFENDANT HESS: Therefore, Mr. President, as far as my future statements Which I had wanted to make are concerned, I shall forego making then. May I ask you to listen to but a few concluding words which are of a general nature and have nothing to do with the things that I have just stated? high Tribunal I let rest because of the sentence, and for history and for my people. That is the onlything which counts with me. I am not defending myself against my accusers, whom I deny the right to accuse no, end my follow countrymen. I will not deal with accusations which concern things Which are purely German matters and therefore are of no concern to foreigners. I am not protesting against statements which are directed at attacking my honor or the honor of the German people. I consider such accusations made against me by the enemy as a sign of honor. under the greatest sun which my people produced in its history of 1,000 years.
Even if I could, I would not want to erase this period of time from my life, I am happy to know that I have done may duty to my country and ray people, and my duty as a German, as a national Socialist, and as a loyal follower of my Fuehrer. I do not regret anything. way I did act, even if I know that at the end I should meet death on a bonfire. No matter what human beings might do, some day I shall be before the judgment seat of the Almighty. I shall be responsible to him, and I know he will call me innocent
THE PRESIDENT: I call upon the defendant Joachim von Ribbentrop.
DEFENDANT von RIBBENTROP: This trial is to serve the research of historical truth. As far as the point of view of German politicas is concerned, I can say the following formulae which up to now have not been known, to show how in all fairness, one can circumvent the most pressing problem of twenty five years of human history and of our history, the Treaty of Versailles. Was it really expedient, the, to inhibit the conflict about an agreement which even those who had insight, among the signers, counted on to bring about evil? The wisest time already predicted from which of the faults of Versailles a new world war would arise. with the result that foreign statesmen, who knew about this today write down in their affidavits that they had not believed me. They should have written that in the interests of their countries they could not believe me. I am held responsible for the conduct of foreign policy, a foreign policy which was determined by another. I knew only this much of it, that it never concerned itself with plans of a world domination, but rather with the doing away with of the consequences of Versailles and with the food problems of the German people. for a war of aggression, that is not an excuse on my part. This truth is proved by the strength that we showed in the course of the Second World war and how weak we were at the beginning of that war. gression much, much better even if we did not intend to carry it through. What we intended was to take note our most elementary conditions of life, in some way that England noted her own interests in that she made one-fifth of the world subordinate to her, and in the same way that the United States and Russia brought the largest continents of the world under their hegemony. The only difference between the policies of those countries as compared with us that parcels of land such as Danzig and the Corridor were demanded of us against our rights, whereas the other powers are accustomed to thinking only in terms of continents. powers of the London Agreement must have had different opinions about international law and politics from those held by them today, when I Went to Marshal Stalin in Moscow in 1939, he did not discuss with me the possibility of a peace ful settlement of the German-Polish conflict in the background of the KelloggBriand Pact?
but rather he let me see that if in addition to half of Poland and the Baltic countries and Lithuania he did not receive the harbour of Lithuania, I might as well return back. peace. Otherwise I could not quite explain Stalin's telgram at the end of the Polish campaign This reads: "The friendship of Germany and the Soviet Union is based on blood which has been shed commonly, and has all prospects of being enduring and steadfast". friendship. Today the nuclear problem remains for Europe and Asia; Who will donate Europe and Asia, or will the influence of Russia on the Eibe, in the Adri or at the Dardanelles beheld back. dilemma as Germany faced at the time when the negotiations were being carried or by me with Russia, I hope with all my heart for my country that they will became successful in their result. German foreign policy? Out of more than 300 Defense documents, more than 150 he turned down without cogent reasons. But the archives of the enemy and the German were inaccessible to the Defense.
Churchill's friendly hint to me that if Germany were to be too strong it would be destroyed will be declared irrelevant in order to judge the motives of the German foreign policy. The revolution cannot be understood the more if it is to be considered from the point of view of a conspiracy.
Fate made me one of the exponents of that revolution. I mourn these awful crimes which are soiling this revolution. But I cannot measure all of them according to puritanical norms, and all the less for I have seen that even the en even through after total victory, neither could prevent nor wanted to prevent atrocities. the point of view of the critical observer it is only makeshift. Whoever stood in a decisive position in the Third Reich knows that it is an historic untruth and the author of the Charter of this Tribunal has proved with Ms inventions only what the background of his thinking was.
oped a conspiracy for the elimination of a brave and highly developed people. When I look back upon my actions and upon my wishes, then I can conclude only this: The only thing of which I consider myself guilty, before my people but not before this Tribunal, is that my foreign political wish remained without success.
THE PRESIDENT: I call on the defendant Wilhelm Keitel.
DEFENDANT KEITEL: I acknowledge my responsibility on the witness stand within the frame work of my position. The substance and, significance of this position was presented in the presentation of evidence and in the final plea of my defense Counsel.
It is not my intention to minimize my part in what took place. In the interest of historical truth, however, it seems advisable to correct a few errors in the final speeches of the Prosecution.
The American Chief Prosecutor said In his final speech, and I quote: "Keitel, a week, submissive tool, turned the Wehrmacht, the instrument of aggression, over to the Party." A "turning over" of the Wehrmacht to the Party by me cannot be reconciled with my functions, either up to 4 February 1938 or after that time, a period when Hitler made himself the immediate supreme commander of the Wehrmacht, and thus ruled the Party and the Wehrmacht absolutely. I do not recall that in the course of this trial a single piece of evidence as presented which could justify this grave contention of the Prosecution. contention "that Keitel led the Wehrmacht in the execution of its criminal intentions" is wrong. This contention is also in contradiction to the English-American trial brief, which says expressly that I had no authority to issue orders. Speaks of me as -- and I quote -- "a field marshal who issued orders to the Wehrmacht". And when he accuses me of having sold that I "had no idea what practical results were intended", -- that is the quotation -- I believe that this is something; quite different from what I said on the witness stand, which was, and I quote the words I spoke on the witness stand: "But whoa an order was given, I acted according to my duty as I saw it, without permitting myself to be confused by the possible but not always foreseeable consequences".
Also, the contention that -- and I quote: "Keitel and Jodl cannot deny the responsibility for the operations of the Einsatzkommandos, with which their own commanders cooperated closely and cordially" that contention, cannot be reconciled with the result of the taking of evidence. The OKW was eliminated from the Soviet-Russian theater of war. There were no troop commanders under its orders.
The French Chief Prosecutor said in his final speech: "Is it necessary to recall the terrible Words of the defendant Keitel that 'human life was worth less than nothing in the occupied territories". These terrible words are not my words. I did not think them up and did not make them the contents of any order. The consciousness that my name is connected with the transmission of this Fuehrer order weights heavily enough upon me.
At another point M. Champetier de Ribes says, and I quote: "This order was executed -- it concerned anti-Partisan activities -- on the basis of instructions from the commander of the army group, who, in his turn, acted on mere general instructions of the defendant Keitel".
Here again "instructions of Keitel" are mentioned, although the French indictment itself states that I, as chief of the OKW could not give any direct orders to the branches of the Wehrmacht. quote: "Beginning with the documents on the executions of political persons, Keitel, this 'soldier', as he likes to call himself, lied shamelessly to the American Prosecution in the preliminary examination -disregarding his oath -- by saying that this decree was in the nature of a reprisal and that political persons had been kept separate from the other prisoners of war at the request of the latter. He was exposed before the The accusation that I lied is unfounded.
The Soviet-Russian Prosecution overlooked the fact that the transcript of my preliminary examination on This question was not the subject of the presentation of evidence before this tribunal. Therefore, its us in the final speech of the prosecution should not have been allowed. I did not see the transcript of the preliminary interrogation and do not know the wording. If it is complete, it Will clarify the error which arose because the document in question was not shown to me. In the examination by my defense counsel I presented the state of affairs correctly.
to incriminate me severely by conceiting name with an order for the preparation of bacteriological warfare. A witness, the former Generalarzt Dr. Schreiber, had said in his report; "The chief of the OKW, Field Marshal Keitel, had issued the order to prepare bacteriological, warfare against the Soviet "Union". On the witness stand here this witness for "Fuehrer order". But this is not true either. approved by the Tribunal in all are amount with the Prosecution, indicates that in the fall of 1943 I, in Buerker's own words, sharply and categorically rejected the suggestion of the Army Medical Inspectorate and the Army weapons Office to activate the bacteria experiments, saying that that was out of the question, that it was forbidden, and that is true. Colonel General Jodl as well can confirm that no order of the type alleged by the witness was over issued, and, moreover, that Hitler prohibited bacteriological warfare, which was suggested by some authorities. Thus the assertion to the contrary of the witness Dr. Schreiber is proved to be untrue I claim to have told the truth in all things, even if they incriminated me; at least to have endeavored, in spite of the great extort of my field of activity, to contribute to the best, of my knowledge to the clarification of the true state of affairs. that I have today and my acknowledgement: basic questions. The first was put me months ago. It was: "In case of a victory would you have refused a share in the success?"
I answered: "No, I should me doubt have been proud of it," The second question was:
How would you act if you were in the same position again once more?"
My answer: Then I would choose so death rather than, to let myself be drawn into the meshes of such mutinous methods." I believed, I erred, and I was no in a position to prevent in the should have been prevented. That is my guilt.
obedience and loyalty, was exploited for intentions which could not berecognized, and that I did not see the limit which is set even for a soldier's performance of his duty. That is my fate. the terrible consequences of this occurence of war, may there arise for the German. People hope for a new future the community of nation.
THE PRESIDENT: I call upon the defendant Ernst Kaltenbrunnrer.
DEFENDANT KALTENBRUNNER: The prosecution hold me responsible for the concentration comes, for the destruction of Jewish life, for Einsatzgruppen and, other things similar. All of these are neither in accord, with the presentation of evidence nor with the truth. The accusers as well as the accused are exposed to the dangers of a summary proceeding and they must realize it. there is no guilt. Such offices exist in governments of other nations. But the task with which I was charged an teh activity with which I was charged in the year 1943 was almost exclusively in the reorganization of the German political and military intelligence service, not as the successor of Heydrich butrather, almost a year after his death, when the suspicion of collaboration with the enemy of Admiral Canaries ever long years existed, I, according to orders and as an officer, had to accept this post. Very shortly, to the most terrific extent, I ascertained the treason of Canaries and his helpers. The Offices IV and V of the RSHA were subordinate to me only formally, but never in fact. it is wrong and misleading. Himmler, who was a master of raising the SS into the smallest fragmentary groups to bring them under his immediate influence as far as it served his purpose, together with Chief of police Mueller, committed crimes which we know today. Contrary to public opinion, I emphatically and state that the activities of Himmler and his consultants and the officers which were under him I learned of only to the smallest extent and as for as it concerned my own sphere. functionaries. Never did I approve or tolerate the biological extermination of Jewry, Anti-Semitism as found, in Party and State laws was to be considered an emergency measure in time of war. The anti-Semitism of Hitler as we know it today was barbarism. I did not participate in either of these forms and I assert, as I shall show, that the prevention of the persecution of the Jews is to be traced to me because of my influence on Hitler.
my knowledge of crimes in concentration camps such as in Mauthausen. Never did I set foot in Camp Mauthausen, but only that part of the labor camps where the quarry was, where hardened or criminals were employed according to the law, not political prisoners. The pictures show an administration building and nothing else, Affidavit USA 909, Pages 894 to 897 F is therefore quite factually impossible and is wrong. The Picture with Hitler shows a building at a construction area of Linz, 35 kilometers away from Mauthausen.
The statement given by Dr. Morgan, the witness, seems essentially true but it needs to be supplemented as far as my person and my reactions to this are concerned. The witness in his statement was too much concerned with himself and does hot say that because of my influence his office of the juridical system was transferred to Office V of the RSHA so that, as a special office, he could investigate the concentration camps to supplement the research which had been carried on. Perhaps he cannot testify as to additional happenings and incidents, contrary to Mueller, who raged as a madman as the chief of the Criminal Police Nebo did. On the same day an exact written report was sent to Hitler. On the same day I was asked to appear, and I went there. After much discussion, Hitler said that there had been an investigation against Himmler and Pohl. A special court Was to be instituted, and arrest was to be the lot of those involved. Pohl was to be dismissed from his office. In front of me Hitler gave orders that Pohl should be called to him, and he gave me his plan to the effect that even today he Would take all steps against any further misdeeds. saying that I was essential, and the I could not be scared from the intelligence service. Eichmann was arrested and I was told of the decree by Himmler in October of 1944, which confirms and puts in final form that which I have just testified in its wording is the last devilish work of Hitler. the RSHA discovered the crimes of office IV, and in that fact I see the proof of the fact that I never know the true happenings, and at the moment when I realized what was taking Place, protested in my in office.
that barbarism? That alone is to be decided as my guilt. seems to be so highly incriminating here, written to the Mayor of Vienna, which I do not remember to have signed -- that matter has been clarified and explained for me today. thousands of German men and women were used to fortify the region east of Vienna, together with an additional 2,000 persons in Gunskirchen in Upper Austria, were taken care of by the International Red Cross because of my intervention and were brought to freedom. During the excitement of the cross examination I could not recall that in this period of time in which the men of Office V were active in the camps, that I Could not any longer believe in a threat to Jewish life. My credibility has been doubted ever since then. My credibility would have been restored if an inquiry had been sent to the International Red Cross at Geneva. what was taking place and that your superiors were committing crimes -- to that I can answer only that I could not set myself up to be their judge, that not even this Tribunal here will be in position to ask for expiation of these crimes. the murder of a French General. I heard of the murder of the German General Brodewski and the order given by Hitler to investigate the question of reprisal. I only heard of the murder here for the first time a few days ago. Panzinger was the chief of the Reichs Criminal office and was subordinate to no one except Himmler, who was the Chief of the Prisoner of war System and of the Replacement Army. He was not, as the Prosecutions asserts, an official of the Secret State police. cerned, with the signature in my name, in which the carrying out if the plan is directed to and made known to Himmler at his headquarters, I should like to say that from the 23d of December until the 3d of January I was in Austria with my family.
This teletype message was not seen by me, and I could not have seen it, nor could I have signed it. the Reichs Press Chief in the murder of the French General. The results were sort to the headquarters. assumed office in 1943, was not in better relationship to the churches, which are a factor in an order and which cannot he done away with. I tried to do everything possible. The presentation of evidence has seen this, and the Prosecution did not draw any consequences. as a German soldier. I could only put myself at the service of the defense of these factors which had brought Germany to the abyss, and after the collapse of the Reich I still did it. cardinal orders were given out before my time of office, then I am in a fate which is stronger than myself, but which is carrying me along with it. I am accused here because Himmler and order elements which were completely contrary to the needed deputies. Whether my story will be accepted or not, I should like to ask you that the fate and the honor of hundreds of thousands of them. living and dead of the General SS, of the Waffen SS, and of the officialdom who, up until the very last, fought bravely, fought for their rights -- that you do not connect them in any way with your just curse towards Himmler. Just as I, they believed that they were acting under the law.
THE PRESIDENT: I call on the Defendant Alfred Rosenberg.
DEFENDANT ALFRED ROSENBERG: The Prosecutors, going beyond repetition of the old accusations, have raised now ones in the strongest manner. They now claim that we all attended secret conferences in order to plan for an aggressive war. Further, we are supposed to have ordered the alleged murder of 12,000,000 people. All these accusations have been collectively described as Genocide -- the Murder of peoples. I want to declare the following in that connection. assistance in the murder of peoples, instead of working for the destruction of the culture and national sentiments of the people of Europe, I represented the furthering of their physical and moral living conditions; and instead of destroying their personal safety and human dignity, I have proven that with all my might I stand up against every policy of forcible measures and that I demanded with severity a just behavior on the part of the German officials and a humane treatment of Eastern workers. Instead of carrying on a policy of "child slavery", I saw to it that juveniles coming from territories endangered by com at were protected and took special care of them. Instead of exterminating religion, I reinstated the liberty of the churches in the Eastern territories by a decree of tolerance. freedom of conscience, granted it to every enemy, and never ordered a prosecution of religion. to say, the actual murder of peoples, has never entered my mind and I must certainly net advocate it in any way. It was my opinion that the existing Jewish question had to be solved by the creation of a minority right, emigration, or by settling the Jews in a national territory by a process lasting a decade. The white paper of the British Government of 24 July 1946 shows how a historical development can cause measures which were never previously planned.
The practice of the Germany. State Leadership in the war as proven here during the trial, completely differed with my conviction. Adolf Hitler, in an increasing measure, drew person to himself who were not my comrades, but my opponents.
I must say, with reference to their harmful activities, this is not the execution of National. Socialism for which millions of believing men and women have fought. It was its shameful misuse, it was the degeneration which I also deeply condemned. International agreement and will be the subject of severe penalties is something which I sincerely welcome, though under the natural prerequisites, Genocide neither at present nor in the future may be permitted against the German people in any way. " so-called ideological activity" had been a "preparation for crime". In that connection I wish to say that National. Socialism represented the thought of an overcoming of the class struggle which was disintegrating the people, and the unity of all classes in a large community of peoples. Through the Labor Service, for instance, it reinstates the honor of manual labor on the mother earth, and directs the eyes of all Germans to the necessity of a strong peasantry. By the Winter Aid Work it created a comradeship of the entire nation working for all the comrades in need, irrespective of their former Party membership. It built homes for mothers; youth hostels, and community clubs in the factories; and it acquainted millions with the yet unknown treasures of art. towards honorable Europe, As early as 1932 I applied to Rome for its maintenance and peaceful development, and I fought as long as I could for the ideas of the inner winnings of the peoples of Eastern Europe when becoming Easter Minister in 1941. Therefore, in this hour of need, I cannot deviate from the Idea of my life, from the ideal of a socially peaceful Germany and a Europe conscious of its value, and I will remain faithful to them. comings was not a conspiracy; my actions were never a crime. I understood my struggle to be, as it was understood by many thousands of comrades, the struggle for the most noble idea for which it was fought for every 100 years and for which the flag was raised.