The witness Zimmerman said that Selpeter was only able to go to the front because Salpeter had very close personal contact with Zimmerman, and Zimmerman had close relations to Pohl, and only through the intervention of Zimmerman did Salpeter succeed in being transferred from the DEST. This is an exceptional case which did not occur anywhere else.
A. I am now coming to Supplement No. I of my document book. From this Supplement No. I, I want to submit as Exhibit No. 15 Document No. 48. This is an affidavit of a certain Otto Georges.
THE PRESIDENT: Just a minute, Dr. Froeschmann.
DR. FROESCHMANN: This is in the supplement, Your Honor. It is Supplement No. I.
JUDGE PHILLIPS: This is the one that is supposed to have the photographs in it, isn't it, Dr. Freoschmann?
DR. FROESCHMANN: Yes, Your Honor. The photographs which the witness Georges mentioned in this affidavit, which he turned over to me I have with me here, and since it was not possible to include them in the document book, I want to turn them over to the Tribunal now. I have heard just now that the Tribunal has already obtained these photographs which the witness presented, the seven pictures about the works at Neuengamme. From this department in the plant, which I say here I want to name in detail those things because they are contained in the affidavit. It is document No. 48, which becomes Exhibit No. 15. The next exhibit will become exhibit No. 16. This will be Mummenthey's Document No. 49. on page 3 of this supplement. This is an affidavit of an inmate by the name of Earl Adolf Gross. He is an author of a well known book, and his affidavit is dated 29 July 1947, and his signature has been certified. The witness confirms in this affidavit that he saw a circular letter which Mummenthey had signed, and which contained an order, that inmates in supplementation of food in the camp were to be offered as much food as possible by the enterprises. The witness worked in the Porcelain Manufacturing Company, Allach and he said that the Porcelain Manufacturing Company, Allach, complied with this directive, and besides milk and also additional meat will be furnished for the inmates.
This inmate confirmed in particular that the inmates were very decently treated in the Porcelain Manufacturing Company.
Now we are coming back to my document book No. II. This document book No. II includes the legal basis and regulations, about the regulations of the labor allocations in Germany before and during the war, insofar as documents of this kind have not been presented by me or by my other colleagues. I can be very brief on this subject, and I ask the Tribunal to take judicial notice of the contents of these documents. I shall give the documents the following exhibit numbers: Document No. 11 in Document Book No. II, on page 1, will become Exhibit No. 17. This document contains the first order for execution of the Four-Year Plan, about the securing of a rising generation of skilled workers, on 7 November 1936. Document No. 12 on page 3 will become Exhibit No. 18. It deals with the decree of 13 February 1939, the securing of labor wanted for special tasks of state-political importance of 13 February 1938. Document No. 13 is important. I shall give it the Exhibit No. 19. It is on page 4 in the document book No. II. It refers to the foundation of the Reich Office for stones and earth, dated 15 September 1939. Document No. 14 follows, which is on page 6 of the document book, and this will become Exhibit No. 20. It contains the decree about a general building inspector for the Reich Capital, of 30 January 1937, and it is a, basis for the allocations which have been made, or during the presentation of evidence that the DEST had to cover in the requirement of stones in order to reconstruct German cities. Then in connection with this document we have document No. 15, on page 7 of the document book No. II. It is a law about the re-designing of German cities, of 4 October 1937. This will become Exhibit No. 21. Document No. 16 in my document book II deals with the working hours order of 30 April 1938. It will become Exhibit No. 22.
Of special importance is document No. 17. It deals with the working hours on building sites, and it is dated 15 February 1939, and will be Exhibit No. 23. Document No. 18 is an order of 14 January 1940, for the execution of a decree for the protection of labor. This is from document book No. 2, and it will become Exhibit No. 24. Document No. 19 contains a decree of 1 September 1939, changing and amending requirements concerning the labor law. It is on page 12 in my document book, and it will become Exhibit 25. Document No. 20 in Document Book II deals with an order of 25 April 1942, a regulation establishing minimum working time for civil servants during wartime. It is on page 13 in Document Book No. II and it becomes Exhibit No. 26. This document will show the Tribunal just how at the time the so-called total war working hours now were regulated in general in the public service. Then in connection with Document No. 20, we have document No. 21, which contains an order about the sixty hours a week of 31 August 1944. This document is contained on page 15 and 16 of my document book, and it will become Exhibit No. 27.
Document No. 22 will show to the Tribunal the decree on the registration of men and women for Reich Defense Tasks, which is the decree of 27 January 1943. It is on page 17 of my document book and will become Exhibit 28.
Then in connection with this document we have Document No. 23; which is the second decree of 10 June 1944 about the registration of men and women for Reich Defense Tasks. It is located on pages 19 and 20 of my document book -- I beg your pardon. On page 21 of my document book, I submit an extract from the Ministerial Information Sheet of the Prussian Ministry of the Interior about the use of prisoners of war at labor sites, and this document will become Exhibit No. 30.
My next document, which also deals with prisoners of war, will be Document No. 27. I am not going to follow the sequence of the documents here. It will be Document No. 27. This is also an extract from the Informational Sheet of the Prussian Ministry of the Interior that also concerns the work of prisoners of war. This document will become Exhibit No. 31.
Then, as my last document in this sequence, I want to submit Document No. 33, on pages 59 and 60 of my document book. This is the third order of 7 November 1936 for the execution of a four year plan, about the re-direction of metal workers and skilled building workers into their trades. It will show what importance was placed on the re-direction of metal and building workers, and this document will become Exhibit No. 32.
Then we have left Document No. 25, on page 25 of my document book number 2, which includes a number of extracts from the well-known book of the inmate K.A. Gross, whom I have mentioned before today. The title of this book is "Five Minutes to Twelve", and it describes the conditions at Allach. This document, No. 25, will become Exhibit No. 33.
Document No. 26 also contains extracts from Gross' book, "Two thousand Days at Dachau". It is on page 29 of my document book, and it will become Exhibit No. 34.
Your Honor, I thought I could present my Document Book Number 3 now. However, I have just been informed by my collaborator that the translation has been completed but that the reproduction of these documents was done in such a manner that a number of pages were torn and the stencils were destroyed. I don't know whether the Tribunal has Document Book Number 3 in its possession at the present time?
THE PRESIDENT: No.
DR. FROESCHMANN: Then, unfortunately, I am not able to continue in my presentation of documents, because Document Book Number 3 contains a number of important affidavits, which I naturally want to submit to the Tribunal in the English translation.
THE PRESIDENT: You can present them, Dr. Froeshcmann, when they are ready.
DR. FROESCHMANN: Your Honor, then I must interrupt my presentation of documents for the time being.
I left out Document No. 9 in my Document Book 1. I do not want to read it here because the witness Bickel in the meantime has been personally examined before this Tribunal.
THE PRESIDENT: Do you have another English copy of your Supplement Book to No. 1?
DR. FROESCHMANN: Your Honor, I have only the German version of it here.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, all right; never mind then. Is any other Counsel ready to proceed with documents. Then, much as we regret it, we will have to recess then ten minutes early. Someone will be ready tomorrow morning. Dr. Von Stakelberg will be here with his witness in the morning. We'll proceed at 9:30 in the morning.
THE MARSHAL: The Tribunal will recess until 0930 tomorrow morning.
(Whereupon, at 1620 hours, 26 August 1947, the Tribunal recessed until 0930 hours 27 August 1947.)
Official Transcript of the American Military Tribunal in the matter of the United States of America, against Oswald Pohl, et al, defendants, sitting at Nurnberg, Germany, on August 22, 1947, 9930-1630, Justice Robert M. Toms, presiding.
THE MARSHAL: The Honorable, the Judges of Military Tribunal No. 2.
Military Tribunal 2 is now in session. God save the United States of America and this Honorable Tribunal.
There will be order in the court.
THE PRESIDENT: The record will indicate that the Defendant Mummenthey is absent from this session of court because of illness. The Tribunal has the certificate of the prison physician. He will be excused and the trial will continue in his absence.
MR. ROBBINS: May it please the Tribunal, I should like first to call the prison psychiatrist to the witness stand, Dr. Wiedenfeldt.
**** **** **** DR. KARL SIEGFRIED WIEDENFELDT, a witness, took the stand and testified as follows:
THE PRESIDENT: Will you raise your right hand and repeat the oath after me:
I swear by God, the Almighty and Omniscient, that I will speak the pure truth and will withhold and add nothing.
(The witness repeated the oath.)
THE PRESIDENT: You may be seated.
DIRECT EXAMINATION BY DR. ROBBINS:
Q. Herr Doctor, will you give the Tribunal your name and date and place of birth, please?
A. I was born on the 8th of April, 1919, in Dortmund.
Q. And what is your full name, please?
A. Karl Siegfried Wiedenfeldt.
Q. Will you tell the Tribunal, Doctor, your educational background and your experience in psychiatry?
A. I began my studios in 1938 in Munich and on the 1st of April 1940, I passed my first examination in Munich. I then went to study for one term in Innsbruck and in October of that year I was called up and went to Vienna to a Reserve Unit of the Luftwaffe concerned with intelligence which went to France and on the 27th of May, 1941, I was attached to a students company at Prague where I continued my studies. During that period of time I studied at Prague and I took the opportunity of visiting the psychiatric and neurological clinic in Prague where I practiced. I remained in Prague until December, 1942, and from there I was transferred to a students' company in Gerlin. There, apart from my studies, I worked in the Institution for psychological research and psychotherapy until the end of 1943. There I had the opportunity to observe neuroses on young members of the Wehrmacht, deserters, and such young people who had become guilty of lack of discipline or other offenses within the Wehrmacht and who to the ordinary medical officer of their unit gave the impression as though there were some conflicts because of the exceptional sensitiveness, which had caused these offenses and for that reason they could not be dealt with by a severe disciplinary punishment. These people reached me through the medical officer and medical offices of the Luftgau, because I was still with the Luftwaffe. They came to me constantly in Berlin where they were first of all given a certificate by the clinic and then treated by one of the doctors concerned. Apart from deserters, we had men with writing cramps, whose reactions were abnormal, but who after a proper treatment were brought back to normal within a short period of time. The symptoms disappeared and they were reunited with the community and brought back to their unit in the Wehrmacht.
On his I worked until the end of 1943 when I made my final medical State examination at the Berlin University. Following my State examination, I took a short training course in the Medical School of the Luftwaffe in Seksche, near Warsaw, where, after about six weeks, I had to become an assistant in accordance with official regulations and I was transferred to the Luftwaffe Hospital at Graz, again I had the opportunity there to work in the Neurologist Psychiatrist Department for six months. In October of that year, 1944, I was attached to the parachutists and, at first, as a training doctor I joined the school for parachutists at Alton near Bochold, which is on the frontier between Germany and Holland at a distance of 15 kilometres to the nearest town in Westphalia. In that Military school I remained until February, 1945. Then I was on active duty in the west. At the beginning of February I was wounded and I was sent to a hospital at Bochold and there with the hospital train I was taken to the Army Hospital in Appeldoorn, Holland. After my splinter wound had healed on my right buttroh, I was employed in the same hospital as a medical officer and fortunately I again worked in the Neurological Department in that hospital. I fell on the 13th of April, 1945, into Canadian hands, who took me prisoner and by the end of July the whole hospital and I were transferred to Eastern Friesia and again I worked in the hospital which had been transferred en Bloc. I remained until the 15th of October, 1945, which is the date when I was released from the Wehrmacht and went home. Several weeks or months later, which I spent looking for a job as assistant in my own line, I came on the 14th of February, 1946 here to the Nurnberg Clinic for Neurology, where I till work today as an assistant doctor. That is my educational background up to date.
Q. And you are the prison psychologist here in the jail, is that correct?
A. Yes, since the 18th of May of this year.
Q. Doctor, have you examined Hans Guenther Otto?
A. Yes, I have.
Q. And did you do that at my request?
A. I did so at the request of the prosecution on the 23rd of this month, last Saturday, in the afternoon, for the first time.
Q. And have you had him under close observation since that time?
A. I saw him for the first time on Saturday, the 23rd, in the afternoon, and I talked in detail about two hours with him. We had lengthly conversations. In these conversations, I put questions to him which showed him that I doubted his somewhat adventurous life story, but I always got the same answer from him; when he told me these stories, he made the impression of a normal mentally clear and orderly man.
Q. Doctor, excuse me. First, I want to establish just how much time altogether you have spent with Otto. You tell us you examined him for two hours on Saturday. Did you examine him again on Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday?
A Yes, I wanted to make a conclusive picure in order to show that I did not make up my mind within a short period of time, rather that I, after extensive conversations and observations, I wanted to reach a conclusion. That is why I wanted to remark that after the brief period of the two hours which I had spent with him on Saturday afternoon, in spite of the fact that he gave me the impression of being entirely credible, I still expressed some indications to the abnormal and maintained that before I reached a final conclusion I wanted to have him on our clinic for some days. That is why I advised that he be received in our clinic, which was done on Saturday evening. On Sunday morning having talked to him on Saturday, I saw him for the first time again Sunday morning in the clinic and here again we had an extensive conversation. I went deep into his family history and the history of his childhood, and finally to the last few years. Sunday afternoon, I once again talked to him. On Monday morning I saw him for about two hours in order to introduce him to the physician of the hospital, Obermedizinalrat Dr. Von Bayer, on Monday afternoon, so that Dr. Von Bayer could give his verdict. After that I talked to him Monday afternoon and Tuesday morning and again on Tuesday afternoon.
Q Have you studied the files of Otto from Haar-Egolfing?
A Yes, I have.
Q And have you studied the files of the District Attorney from Augsburg concerning Otto?
A Yes, I studied those files as well.
Q And have you examined the testimony of the psychologist and the district attorney?
A Yes, I studied those too.
Q Doctor, would you give the court your diagnosis of the Witness Otto?
AA final diagnosis of Witness Otto would entail that one goes into his somewhat adventurous life until the earliest beginning and take into consideration all forces outside forces and inner forces, in order to form the correct psychological picture and to arrive at the relevant judgment.
May I do so very briefly?
Q Yes, please.
A One must take into consideration all the inner and outer forces which were of decisive influence on his life and development. One must follow them back to their source. Otto was born as the son of a simple miner in a distressed area of the Lower Silesian industrial district. Both parents always had strong social and pacifist tendencies. They were also members of the corresponding political party in question and they brought up their son, who is quite a bright and open minded young man in these ideals.
As the father throughout the day was in the mine and did not make much money, and, as the mother had to work in order to support the family, the boy grew up in an atmosphere of freedom and all of those things which for a child are of such sensitive influence and of such importance, of such impressions for his future life within a sheltered family life and happy conditions, he was deprived of them. At an early date he became acquainted with social contrasts and merciless factors and phenomena of social life, which to him seemed unjust. There grew in him from the earliest childhood a strong feeling for justice which frequently brought him into smaller or larger conflicts between school friends of his. In each he always took the part of the underdog, as long as he thought he was in the right, irrespective of the fact that he himself would frequently be overpowered by the majority of the opposing party, in a physical sense. When the Youth Movement came into life which upheld the Fuehrer's plans for bodily obedience he perforce could only feel a growing opposition in himself. He reained outside of that movement, although he suffered disadvantages. After he left school for two years he could not find apprenticeship. Later on he worked in several agricultural enterprises and changed his job frequently.
After a certain time and at an early age, he established connections with the socialist youth movement of the Red Falcons, in which because of their liberal ideas, no being bound by any leader's principles, he felt happy with them and in 1939 he went to Hamburg where, as his date for the calling up of his class had approached, he once again had to leave, but in 1940 he finally was conscripted into the Wehrmacht.
At the beginning of February 1940 he was called up and joined an infantry unit. He joined this unit for the western campaign. For a short period of time he remained with the occupation forces in France, in order, after a short leave. To be suddenly drafted into a motorized unit of the Leibstandarte at Berlin-Lichterfelde. With that unit he took part in the Russian campaign until October 1941.
Now, although the opposition within himself to the physical obedience expected of a member of the Wehrmacht had intensified, the tests which he had to undergo in the campaign in Russian balanced this off to a point, but the decisive moment, the turning point which was of such significance for this future life, occurred in October 1941 when his vehicle owing to an engine breakdown and had to be left behind and when for some time he was separated from his unit.
On that occasion, he went near Dnjepopetrowsk in October 1941, where, within the scope of the reprisal action because of a bombing attempt allegedly carried out by Jews some days previously, he witnessed a mass execution. This execution, as he told me, took place on a playground. On that occasion he suddenly saw his former commanding officer of his battalion, Tschenscher, take a gun and shoot down about twenty Jews, including three or four -- I am not quite sure about the number -small children of school age.
This impression in him who for the last weeks had felt a growing opposition to the measures of the SS in occupied Russian territory, was the final reason to cut himself off completely from the unit. By accident he came into contact with members of a resistance movement who did their work in the Russian area.
They distributed leaflets, and so on.
He was arrested in the course of a rounding-up action against that group. He was taken to the battle headquarters of his division, where he remained at large within the headquarters for two days and was even assigned to guard duties.
A comrade of his gave him a gun, with which he shot himself through the left hand. He hoped thereby--by passing through a hospital-to get back his paybook, which had been taken away from him when he was arrested, and he also hoped to be removed from the battle area.
On 15 April 1942, he for the first time faced a court-martial. However, because of the testimony of one of his comrades who described the doubtlessly self-inflicted wound as an accident which was due to clumsy handling of the gun, he was acquitted of that charge, and was sentenced only in connection with the arrest.
I must make a correction here. No sentence was passed after the first trial be cause of a lack of evidence. A new trial was convened, when again, because of insufficient evidence, no final verdict was reached. It was only during the third trial, when new information had reached the court from his home region on his various attempts to evade being called up, that he was sentenced for attempted evasion of military duty and was sent to a punitive camp at Danzig-Matschkau.
In Danzig-Matschkau he attempted on 26 February 1943 to escape and to join a Swedish steamer, where he was hiding for some time, but after a few days, he was apprehended again by the Gestapo and was once again sent back to the camp Danzig-Matschkau, where he was treated particularly harshly.
He was beaten in the face on several occasions. For four or five days his hands and legs were tied, and he had to lie on his stomach and was not given any food. After that he was still treated very harshly, and when his fact was beaten he last part of his hearing. Finally, the police court in Danzig sentenced him for the attempted escape and also for the evasion of military duty to twelve years Penitentiary.
He was sent to Dachau, where he had to serve his sentence. On 29 April 1945 he was liberated by the advancing American Forces.
As a consequence of the treatment he suffered in Danzig-Matschkau and Dachau, his physical state was so appalling at first that for some time he could not do any manual work, and, since throughout these years which were now behind him in the concentration camp and the punitive camp, the hatred of the regime had mounted within him, it was not incomprehensible that in Wasserburg, where he was finally released from being a prisoner of war, he volunteered to assist the CIC there with information about Gestapo agents, and people who had denounced other persons, and so on.
In his endeavors to tell people about the resistance movements within the Third Reich -- of which, even today, not very much is known -and as he wanted to pass these things on to as many people as possible in Wasserburg, he talked to a number of people about a political murder which a comrade of his, a fellow member of the resistance movement, had committed in 1941 in Poland at the Vistula.
The victim was an SD man, who persecuted these two when they were escaping. He described this murder in the minutest detail, and also wrote it down in his notebook.
As the population in Wasserburg, very understandably, saw in him who had reported a number of the citizens of Wasserburg to the CIC to have been former Gestapo-Agents, it was obvious that these people felt him to be a thorn in their flesh and that this resentment had to come to the surface one day in order to eliminate him.
He was, therefore, arrested on suspicion of murder of the said SD man. He was charged with using a false name. His name was not Guenter Otto but Thorsteh. He was committed to the Wasserburg prison. As he had lost all his papers, which had been destroyed by a comrade in Dachau when a large number of deserters were to be shot -- he had no possibility of proving his alibi. There was nothing that he could do about being arrested.
Resenting his arrest, which to him seemed to be a continuation of his suffering of the past few years, he at that time admitted to committing this murder, gave all sorts of details, embellished and reconstructed it, in order thereby to have the possibility of a quick investigation and thus to show how unjustified the accusation was.
As the investigations had led to his imminent release, and when it would appear that the Wasserburg population would have back this unpopular member of the community, another possibility had to be found to remove the man from among the Wasserburg citizens. Because he had admitted that he had committed the murder, he was classified as mentally incompetent and was committed to the Egelfing-Haar institution.
Anybody who knows conditions in an institution, particularly in the lunatic asylums of today, which, because they are short of space, are always overcrowded and in which people have to be accommodated on dock chairs, and where the trained nursing personnel is in short supply, can easily imagine that such a man who roached the institution under a cloud, will find it difficult to rid himself of this prejudice. He is one of three thousand. He joins the routine of this large institution, becomes a small, insignificant cog in the machine, among many patients, and--I am speaking here from my own experience--in the first week he never sees a doctor at all and has scarcely the possibility of giving the doctors and the nurses the right picture of his character and personality. He completely submerges in the uniform surface of the institution, in which there are mostly cases of schizophronia, paralytics, mentally deficient patients, and typical asocial elements, among whom one can easily in the course of time submerge completely. He acquaints himself with their crazy ideas, identifies himself with these abnormalities. This is a danger from which even a psychiatrist who has been working in an institution is not entirely free. One knows these crazy old gentlemen who, in the course of the years, identify themselves with the queer ideas of their patients, because, if they are to be good doctors, they must intuitively share the neurotic ideas of their patients.
It is, therefore, entirely comprehensible that in such an institute it is extremely difficult to cut a clear line between oneself and the other patients and to prove that mentally one is entirely normal and does not belong to that community at all. Particularly if a young man attempts to do so, if he lodges an energetic request to be separated from this lunatic asylum, when he sees the director about that, writes letters to him, bothers the nurses and asks to be released, the natural consequence is that the treatment will only be intensified and that by all those letters people in the course of time write themselves, as it were, into a sort of ectasy, and then they cannot be released because these letters give a picture of a confused and abnormal man to a normal person. In the course of this first revolt, the nurses will not gain a good impression, of course. That goes without saying.
In addition to this, there is the fact that some of the nurses -a considerable part of the nurses, in fact--during that particular part of the political development, although they did not themselves take part in the then euthanasia program, knew all about the ideas, had slowly to acquaint themselves with these ideas, because they were told about them day after day, and, therefore, such a man, who was regarded as a deserter and is very possibly still regarded as such by a great many people, they would regard as an abnormal person. He is scarcely likely to become popular with them.
This is how it came about that when his requests were answered in the negative, when he was not released, when, on the contrary, he became quite a useful worker there and was allocated certain work, and as he felt that he had to stay there for a long time--knowing, in other words, that he could not leave this institution--he attempted by playacting the devoted, obedient patient, to obtain certain alleviations from the nurses and was given work where it was easier for him to smuggle a letter out or where an attempt to escape might be easier, and that was how, having some work outside, on August 2, 1945-- I'm sorry, on 11 August 1946, he escaped from the institution.
For a brief period of time he worked in the Giesser mine, having obtained papers from the Refugee Commission. Slowly finding himself bacl to a normal life as a free man, he was arrested once more on 18 October 1946. On that occasion, while he was being accommodated in a camp for refugees, somebody--a comrade or somebody--stole his diary, from his locker in which he had put down all the details of the murder of Thorsten and handed it over to the criminal police.
Once again he was arrested on suspicion dr murder, under the name of Thorsten, although he maintained violently that this was not his name--this name which once had been so fatal to him. He was partly apathetic and partly resentful of what had happened to him, and he once again embellished the affair in all detail, and on that occasion he transferred the locality of the deed from Poland to Augsburg, in order thus to speed up the investigations of the criminal police and show that the suspicion was completely untenable.
It became clear very soon that the suspicion was not tenable, and he was released.
He worked with a farmer for several months, and then on 15 July of this year he saw a poster that the Office of Chief of Counsel for War Crimes had opened the trial against Pohl. It showed pictures of the defendants. He saw also the picture of his former commanding officer, Tschentscher, and Fanslau, and he at once reported through the VVM to Nurnberg, and since 18 July 1947 he has lived in the witness house as a Prosecution witness.
Looking over this history, which indeed is an adventurous one, it is impossible to suppress the impression, that here we have a man who gives his life history, which was scarcely favored by fate, and because of the education which was the decisive factor in his development, that was imprinted into a trend where future conflicts became compellant. He was driven to this, into this sad development and story typical of the youth of his age, who had very little joy, very little sunshine in the years of their development, and a young generation which at an early age must face the problems of life and existence, and who were driven into the mechanism of the National Socialist wheel; who instead of enjoying life in harmless games had at an early age to face the harsh realities of life, and the problems of security, and who were then driven into this war, which not only deprived them of their carefree youth, but also of their future.
Q Doctor, what is your conclusion with regard to Otto's state of mind?
A Guenther Otto, there is no doubt, is an intelligent and skillful young man, who, even if he cannot deny his primitive level, is entirely capable of enriching himself through the experiences of life, which he has faced with open and clear eyes. He will widen his mental horizon, at least, he is capable of it. He is a young man who very seriously endeavors to draw a final line under his adventurous past, and the necessities in which he was forced, of not taking a straight road in certain situations, in which he was to build up a new life. It is an endeavor about which he talked to me, not only when I asked him about it but quite spontaneously, or at least had long asked for or wanted to have a new start to lead an orderly life in hard work.
Q Doctor, in your opinion is Otto sane?
A Otto, he is undoubtedly mentally sane.
Q In your opinion has he ever been insane?
A I should hardly think so.