The statistics concerned the time from June until November 1942, and they included all the in-coming prisoners in the 16 camps during these months; that is, June, July, August, September, October and November, 1942, six months, and also the prisoners who left the camp.
The in-coming prisoners included the new prisoners and the prisoners being transferred by transport, and the prisoners who left the camp included those who were released, the death cases, and those transferred to other camps by transport, and also the executions.
The total figure of the prisoners who during these six months had been listed there in those statistics amounted to about 109,000 new-in-coming prisoners and about 29,000 transferred prisoners, which would make a total of about 137,000 or 138,000 inmates in six months for 16 concentration camps. The prisoners who left the camp, as far as I remember, amounted to about 4,700 released, about 27,000 to 28,000 transferred. That is the figure about the transports into camp. That was a transfer and a constant change of about 28,000 to 30,000 people.
Furthermore, more than 70,000 died, and there were almost 10,000 -about 9,700 or 9,300 executions. It amounted to about 33,000 out of about 130,000 in 16 camps who had died in the course of six months.
Now, the SS, WVHA, in the attached letter wrote to the camp doctors that the Reichsfuehrer SS had ordered that the working power of the inmates should be better utilized, exploited much better for the armament, and that it was therefore not possible that the camp doctors be especially hard on the prisoners. A camp doctor should not distinguish himself by being especially hard on his prisoners but, rather, by checking on the food situation and by seeing that the inmates received sufficient food to be able to improve the general working conditions and to maintain the working power of the prisoners, and that the death rate had to decrease.
In the course of the following years, from the end of 1942 onwards until the end of 1945, I have seen for Buchenwald and the exterior camps -- Buchenwald had more than 100 exterior camps -- I found out that the death rate had not decreased but had increased.
As far as I have been able to check the figures of Buchenwald, as far as I can remember them from my experiences of that time and from the statistics at the end of the camp, the situation was about the following:
In 1937, at the end of the year, there were about 3,000 inmates in the camp. I could not find the death rate quite correctly. At that time they did not even have these statistics.
In 1938 -- and I always speak of the end of the year -- they had about 7,500 inmates, and the death rate was about 800. That was, about 10 per cent.
In 1939 there were about 11,000 inmates, about 11,000 to 12,000, also toward the end of the year. During the year the figure may have been higher, but not considerably higher. The death rate at that time was approximately 1500 to 1700.
In 1940 the number of inmates was about 13,000, and the death rate increased to about 2,000 per year.
In the following year, 1941, the number of inmates had decreased to about 8,000 to 9,000 at the end of the year, and the death rate also decreased to about 1,500, but from that moment on the death rate increased quickly. The number of prisoners increased, but the death rate increased without any proportion to the increase in the number of the inmates.
In 1943 we had more than 3,000 death cases in Buchenwald, and in 1944 about 5,000 to 6,000, and during the first three and a half months of the year 1945 alone we had over 13,000 dead. The number of prisoners in the camp had in the meantime increased in 1944 to 37,000 inmates. That is only male inmates. The women in the exterior camps were not counted. In 1945 the number of inmates increased to over 80,000, and to that figure about 24,000 to 26,000 women had to be added.
In the camp already, and all the more afterwards, we made calculations on the strength of these statistics that the death rate varied between 0.5 and 5 per cent per month. Therefore, the differences in one month to another were not considerable. The yearly average varied between 10 and 30 per cent. If one takes the figures which I quoted a short while ago from the letter of the WVHA and the figures I had from Buchenwald through all these years, and all the figures we had on all the concentration camps, with the exception of the extermination camps, then if we make a very cautious estimate and check it very well, we arrive at the following figure: The average crew of inmates in the camps, in all the camps of the National Socialist regime, were most of the time -- that is, during the years of the war, between 600,000 and 900,000, up to 1,000,000 inmates, and a large part of the inmates were always in fluctuation. They were being transferred from one camp to another constantly. In total, there were at least 8,000,000 people who went through the concentration camps, and this figure is certainly a minimum.
Approximately half a million of these were German, and the rest of them were foreigners.
Of these 8,000,000, approximately seven and a half million perished.
As to the 500,000 Germans, when they say that at least 250,000 to 300,000 have been released as time went on, either they survived the camps or they were drafted into the armed forces or other special units of the military command. On the other hand, at least 200,000 of them have perished.
As far as the foreigners are concerned, at least 7,000,000 have perished. As far as the Germans were concerned, twelve years were involved. As far as the foreigners are concerned, 1938 was the beginning as far as Austria was concerned; 1939 as far as Czechoslovakia was concerned, and so on and so forth.
And there the extermination camps of the East are not taken into consideration. That includes Auschwitz, which certainly had liquidated at least 4,000,000 or 4,500,000, who were gassed, most of them in that camp. Of the incoming transfers, only ten per cent were selected and used for some work, and 90 per cent were gassed. Lublin, Majdanek, Treblinka, and the other extermination camps could show another 1,500,000 dead who were killed in the same manner.
Q. Now, at Buchenwald did they have a place called Detachment 99, Stables?
A. At Buchenwald there was a detail, a command 99. This designation was a key word for an execution detail, and this detail was only for Russian prisoners of war. In 1942, in the summer of 1942, the great liquidation of Russian P.W.'s had begun, and especially in the camps of Buchenwald, Dachau and Sachsenhausen. Very soon we received information from our political comrades at Dachau and Sachsenhausen that the liquidation of Russian prisoners of war had started in these camps, and at the same time it started at our camp. Counting of the bodies that were sent to the crematorium at Buchenwald, we established the fact that at Buchenwald approximately nine to nineand-a-half thousand Russian P.W.'s were liquidated, and besides our Russian comrades from Dachau told us that the figures in these camps were above ten thousand.
Also the liquidation was done in the so-called stables. The stables were out of the barbed wire district, in the nature of a natural district, and this district was a sort of medical station. The prisoners of war were of the opinion that they would have a medical examination there. The murders walked around in white coats, medical coats, and there the prisoners, without knowing anything of what was going to happen to them, they were shot in the neck with a sort of machine they had for that. They were told they had to be measured, and there they received a shot in the neck through a hole in this measure plank, and while that happened the wireless was playing, and the loud speakers had been made to work, and they called numbers and other things, and therefore one couldn't hear the shots. But later on part of them were shot by SS snipers and the bodies were dragged out by an inmate. Two or three or four times a week they always received information by telephone and the inmates arrived. About twenty to one hundred and fifty thousand prisoners were liquidated in that manner.
We had a lecture by two members of the RSHA, and we knew of this lecture. At that time I saw the text of this lecture in the original version in the files of the concentration camp at Buchenwald, and there the method of selection for these prisoners of war from the prisoner-of-war camps was described.
There were all sorts of Communist Party leaders which were mentioned, commisars, Komsomolzen leaders, Komsomolzed troops. That is the political officers of the Red army, and their so-called inferior elements, Turko-Russians, and some of these were removed from these camps as politically unreliable or nationally inferior, and they were sent to Buchenwald or to the other two camps for liquidation.
These P.W.'s were not sent into the camp itself, that is in the main camp, but they were selected from the bulk of the transport in front of the political department and there they were liquidated right away. I myself was once on a transport, and then at Dresden I was locked up in a sort of prison at the main station during the night. There were about sixty-five Russians, Ukrainians and Poles, and there they had seven of these Russian prisoners of war. I talked with them during the whole night, because I understand that much Russian, and it was very tragic to see what kind of expectations these men had for Buchenwald. They absolutely knew nothing of their fate. They were of the opinion that they would be better off at Buchenwald. They asked me about the food and what kind of work they were to do. They were very glad to get to Buchenwald from this very bad stalag they had been in. In front of the political department these seven men were called out right away and they were liquidated in the same manner I described before.
Q. Were the Nacht and Nebel transports familiar to you?
A. The SS and Gestapo had quite peculiar designations for certain actions. For instance, in the west of Europe, from 1942 onward, they collected certain categories of human beings, and these immediate actions, they called them very romantically Meerschaum actions, or Action Spring Wind, and one of these actions was called Night and Fog, Nacht and Nebel. That included especially Dutchmen, Belgians and Frenchmen, and as we saw in the camp later on, such persons had done sabotage or passive resistance or had been denounced for having committed such violations, alleged violations, and these Frenchmen, Belgians and Dutchmen were sent to the concentration camps under very severe conditions.
They could not write letters. There were quite a number of other restrictions. They had a very bad situation there Part of them were used for human experiments. For instance, to be an N. and N. inmate, as they called them, N. and N. meaning Nacht and Nebel, Night and Fog, the inmates didn't even know that name. This name became known only months afterwards. These inmates were sent to Natzweiler, and there they were used for experiments. Part of them worked in the quarry down there under very difficult conditions and many of them perished.
Q. Were the Night and Fog inmates permitted to correspond with their relatives?
A. The Night and Fog prisoners had no right to write. They could not receive any parcels either. They had no contact whatsoever with their home country or with the outer world. Part of them in our camp, in Buchenwald, had been secluded from the other camp inmates.
Q. Were the inmates brought in under Action Meerschaum permitted to correspond?
A. I have no knowledge that the inmates of this action had restrictions as to correspondence with other people.
Q. Now, will you tell us what you know about the outside camps of Buchenwald, and I have particular reference to Dora and S-III Ohrdruf.
A. The number of the outside camps of Buchenwald increased during the war, especially as from 1942, in a tremendous way, until the autumn, that is until October, 1944. All these exterior camps were under the orders, even the camp of the restricted area B, of the SS. That was in the Harzgebirge, and that was under the orders of the camp at Buchenwald. The first camp which had been established outside of the camp of Buchenwald was the camp at NiedersachsWerfen which was known under the name of Dora. In October, 1944, Dora then became a main camp for the fifteen or eighteen smaller concentration camps of the restricted area B. The conditions at Dora were even much worse than in Buchenwald.
I myself know them, not only because some of my comrades, some very few of them came back from this camp of Dora, but rather because Dr. Ding-Schuler was the sanitation officer of the restricted area and became the sanitation officer in 1944, and I knew of the secret plans which were directed to the WVHA and Gruppenfuehrer Kammler and the so-called Jaegerstab in the Armanent Ministry, and I saw these so-called secret plans, and Schuler told me about the sanitary and hygienec conditions and said he was horrified about them. But the survivors of this camp at Dora know that from immediate knowledge.
If one can increase the possibilities of the bad, then I would like to apply that to Ogrdruf. Ohrdruf was even worse. Ohrdruf, which had also the cover name S-III, was about seventy kilometers southwest from Weimar, slightly southwest. There bunkers were constructed and tunnels especially for Adolf Hitler, and about 13,000 inmates from Buchenwald had been sent to Ohrdruf, mainly Russians, Poles and Hungarian Jews, but also a certain number of Frenchmen. At Ohrdruf the death rate was especially high and the living conditions were really terrible. Towards the end of the existence of the camp Ohrdruf was to be dynamited with the inmates in it, but eventually only an evacuation took place, and this evacuation was a real death march during these seventy kilometers to Buchenwald. At Ohrdruf alone fifteen hundred dead were already lying there when the people started the march, and on the whole way from Weimar to Buchenwald on the road which we had built ourselves seventy-six or seventyeight people were lying with shots in their head.
Q. Did you say that S-III and Dora were constructed under the direction of Obergruppenfuehrer Kammler?
A. Yes, All these camps were under the direct supervision of Kammler and were constructed under his supervision. In the Harzgebirge, that is in the restricted area, they served the purpose of the shifting of German industry.
First of all tunnels were constructed and subterranean factories were established and furnished, and then aircraft motors or parts of motors and parts of the socalled V-weapons were constructed there.
Court No. II, Case No. IV.
Q How do you know about the plans to blow up the inmates in the tunnels of S-III and Dora?
A In March 1945--about the tenth or twelfth of March--Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Ding-Schuler came back from a conference at Ohrdruf where he had been summoned. He told me than an order had been received to drive the 14,000 inmates into the tunnels, lock them in there and blow them up. The camp commanders, and, especially, Hauptsturmfuehrer Oldeburluis, were of the opinion that this would lead to great complications in the surroundings of the camp. That is, as far as the population was concerned. And, furthermore, he did not dare personally to execute this order. Therefore, they proposed to get into contact with the Reichfuehrer SS Himmler, once again. At that time that was a rather difficult thing for the SS because the connections were rather dislocated. And then they actually succeeded when Schuler was already back at Buchenwald about two or three days later. They actually got contact via the director of the police at Weimar, Higher SS and Police Leader whose name was Schmidt--they got contact with Himmler and Himmler issued the directive to kill only such prisoners who were very dangerous, from the political point of view, and select them together with criminal convicts from the bulk of the prisoners; to evacuate the other ones and to liquidate only these selected inmates. That was done on the same principle, which shows it was applied at Buchenwald at least partly. Partly it couldn't be applied any more; it was too late.
Q Do you remember the construction of the railroad from Weimar to Buchenwald?
A Yes, I remember. In 1943, as far as I remember, between the station of Weimar and the camp of Buchenwald, train connections were established by orders of the WVHA. It was constructed by the inmates. The train, if I remember well, had to be ready for action on the twenty-first of June, and there were only four or five months. The Department C of the WVHA had then a special man down there who had to drive the prisoners in an inhuman manner, together with his assistant, Court No. II, Case No. IV.
Bauer, in order to prepare the road for the rails. During the construction of this railroad, there were quite a number of deaths. On the twenty-first of June the train actually was in action--but only once. That was only for the inaugural, when Himmler came down there. After that there were eight months of work in which the railroad had to be really constructed.
Q Now what about the duration of confinement in a concentration camp? Were you sent in with a fixed sentence to serve, and were you thereafter released?
A The Gestapo sent the prisoners in protective custody to the concentration camps, and that would mean for a determined term. Part of them were for life terms. There was a staggered scale for the time in the real protective custody camp: for three, six, and nine months--and even a year. And then indefinite or life terms. Most of the time it was up to six months. The Gestapo Main Office; that is, the Gestapo Office which was competent for the prisoner in his home town, approached the camp commander and asked him how the conduct of the prisoner was in the camp. Then the prisoners in many cases were brought to the camp commander for a hearing, if he felt like it. In my own case, I saw in my files later, during the camp time, that actually three requests had been made by the Gestapo office, and that the answer of the camp command on the strength of the hearing which never took place was that I was a very obstructive character and that a release could not be taken into consideration. That was before 1943.
The prisoners who were actually called in for a hearing generally had three questions put to them: First, how long they had been in the camp; what detail they worked in; and what camp punishments they had received.
THE PRESIDENT: What was the second question; we missed it in the translation. How long have you been in camp....
THE INTERPRETER: How long have you been in camp; second, what work detail do you work in; and what punishments have you received in the camp.
Court No. II, Case No. IV.
A The camp commanders then answered whatever they wanted to the Gestapo. If a request was made for a release by the Gestapo Main Office, then this request had to be directed to the RSHA in Berlin. The RSHA in Berlin then approached the camp command--and also the Department D of the WVHA. If one of these three elements; that is: Camp, WVHA, or RSHA, itself, did not approve the release, then the prisoner was not released, whatever would be the reason for the refusal of the office. Then a directive was sent back to the Gestapo Main Office that a release could not be taken into consideration (if release could be taken into consideration because all offices agreed for some reason or because intervention had been made, or because he had some connection of a special character, as in some cases bribery had been used.) Or if the so-called pardon action was to be brought into life. That is, for instance, where the so-called anti-socials were released; and to make it look prettier also one or two dozen of the political prisoners. Or, for instance, Mr. Streicher, Gauleiter of Frankonia, almost for every Christmas--Christian Christmas--let twelve or fifteen Communists out of Dachau concentration camp. They were considered improved characters and they were brought to Nurnberg and there they had a special banquet. In these selections a release was approved, and then the prisoner went through the political department of the camp, and he was released. The SS, WVHA received notification that the man had actually been released. For a duration of definite character was only in very few cases adhered to. The release, or the remaining in the camp, as everything else in this system of despotism depended on a dozen or a half-dozen different circumstances. It was especially tragic if the members of the family of the inmate made an intervention with the Gestapo, and they were told on the strength of the report from the camp commanders--or without the report--that the prisoner was very bad, of bad character; that he didn't want to improve, and something of that character. Then again it happened that German mothers wrote to the camp, or women wrote to their husbands that they should conduct themselves better in order to get home Court No. II, Case No. IV.
eventually. And that was considered as one of the bitterest ironies by the prisoners in the camps.
Q You can testify that the WVHA could render a negative judgment on releasing a man from the concentration camp, is that correct? They could say no?
A The SS-WVHA--the Department D, that is--was in a position to give and to withhold his approval for release. Then the prisoner was not released.
Q Now, will you tell us something quite briefly about corruption in the concentration camps?
A It is almost as difficult to describe as the punishments. In all corners and all the ends, in the whole machinery of the system, they belonged to it. I have seldom seen anything as corrupt as most of the SS officers of the "Deadhead" companies, and the SS men of similar character, in the concentration camps as well as outside them. There were very few who were not used to corrupt them or used by them to corrupt themselves. All sorts of luxury articles, money, slave work which was assigned to them for their personal purposes; and very often even some sausage, or some cognac. They had "black treasuries" where they received money from the general profits of the SS for their personal purposes. They accumulated a lot of art treasures which were produced by the inmates, and they got them from occupied territories. Himmler once had a Marmor statue and writing service made which was assessed at 15,000 marks, and which had been produced by the inmates.
A special falkenhof was made for Goering. The female commander of Buchenwald had a riding stable where at least two dozen prisoners perished during the construction, and where she, with a music band, rode on horseback twice a week for twenty minutes. I couldn't tell you where I should start or where I should finish in order to describe the corruption within the SS.
It started from the SS, and it was used by the inmates for their own purposes, and in order to continue to corrupt the SS, and to disrupt it.
Court No. II, Case No. IV.
Q You mentioned Himmler. Can you testify that this corruption extended high up into the SS?
A Yes, during the trial of Koch, a trial which had been instituted by the SS Tribunal, that was against Koch, in 1943 and from this trial I received quite a bit of information by Dr. Schuler and after that time the corruption from one to another of these groups, which were sometimes incredible in their size and that the enrichment for the SS proceeded went as far as the gold teeth of the inmates. And this occurred every day. The work changed. Sometimes there was one commander and sometimes another. Of course, there were some SS officials which were incorruptible, but as far as we observed, these SS officers were an exception.
Q Did Ding-Schuler, by any chance, ever tell you that efforts were being made to suppress the trial against Koch?
A Yes, I don't only know it from Dr. Ding-Schuler, but also Dr. Hoven who had been implicated in that matter and had clarified that. There was a personal animosity by the higher police and SS leaders, Erprinz Zu Waldeck, Puymont, and the camp commander Koch. The Erbprinz Zu Waldeck tried to liquidate Koch, but before he had received proper proof to the Tribunal and that was the highest judicial authority in this district, but Koch had very good connections and relatives higher up and especially I was told again and again Gruppenfuehrer Pohl was one of his special protectors and Himmler's own interference was made for Koch and eventually Himmler cautioned the procedure in that first trial, but he transferred Koch to another camp of Lublin where at the same time we saw a teletype in the special department of the camp commander and in this teletype it was said that all Jews of Europe should be sent to Koch at Lublin. Koch actually went to Lublin and as we saw later he lead such a wild life in the concentration camp that even the SS could not tolerate it any longer. Of course, he had a black inmate treasury and a black number of inmates. That is his negligence and his lack of interest, because after all he was only interested in himself Court No. II, Case No. IV.
and again and again it happened that inmates were lacking and therefore he simply drafted people from the population and kept them in reserve in order to have them in the roll call when somebody was lacking. And these conditions, of course, were intolerable for the SS and also for the Obergruppenfuehrer continued to work against him at Fulda Werra Kassel and eventually the trial took place against him, but, no success was had in the first trial, but Dr. Wehner, one of the investigators of the SS at Lenz had more success then in this second trial.
MR. MC HENEY: I have no other questions at this time.
THE PRESIDENT: We will take a recess.
(A recess was taken)
THE MARSHAL: The Tribunal No. 2 is again in session.
THE PRESIDENT: Cross examination.
DR. SEIDL: Dr. Seidl for the defendant Oswald Pohl.
GROSS EXAMINATION BY DR. SEIDL:
Q Witness, where did you live in 1933?
A In Vienna.
Q And in 1934?
AAlso in Vienna.
Q In 1938 you were then arrested, that was in March of 1938?
A Yes, and I already mentioned that before.
Q You made a statement here about the conditions of concentration camps in 1933, 1934, up to 1938, and I will ask you now, witness, how do you know all those things. Where did you gain your knowledge during all those five years that you were in Austria?
A I believe that I have always stated that there were inmates in the concentration camp at Buchenwald from 1933 on and they were in protective custody. In other words, about all the details that had been given which happened in the series of concentration camps from '33 to '35, I was in close connection with those comrades of mine.
Q In other words, you know that from hearsay?
A If that is the way you want to put it, yes.
Q Were you ever in the camp of Auschwitz yourself?
A Thank God, no.
Q Nor were you in the camp of Lublin?
A No, I was only at Buchenwald.
Q Were you ever in the outside camp of Dora?
A No.
Q Were you in Estland?
A I said I was only in Buchenwald.
Q All you do know of the conditions which you say were in Dora, S-III, and in the other camps also, was only from hearsay, and on the basis of reports that people gave you?
A Yes, and even on the basis of documents.
Q You stated that eight million people, that total went through the concentration camps. I will ask you now, where did you again that knowledge?
A I already said that to the Tribunal.
Q Do you wish to give me the details. Would you tell the Tribunal again?
A I have stated that there were several sources where I could gain my knowledge. My own experience; experience of my comrades; the documents of the Buchenwald Hospital; my connections with the SS-WVHA, and, also a letter of the SS-WVHA, from the Department D to 16 C.C.S, extending from June to November 1942. In other words, enough sources and basis to get a somewhat clear picture of all of the things which I have stated here before this Tribunal.
Q Do you know, or do you believe that at least these statements are sufficient in order to give you a total of eight million?
A Not only that, but I know that, and I think so, and I know so.
Q You also stated that in Auschwitz alone four to four and one-half million people died. Where did you gain that knowledge?
A From the same sources.
Q Do you know that before this Military Tribunal the matter of the witness, the Kommandant of Auschwitz was examined?
A Yes, I do.
Q And that man stated that for him, or for every other human being, that it was impossible to even give you an approximate figure of the people who died in Auschwitz; that he restricted himself to state the figure from two to two and one-half million? That he furthermore stated that SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Eichmann from the RSHA in Berlin could give the exact figures, who is no longer alive?
A I am exactly convinced, as is this Auschwitz Kommandant, that he told enough which could possibly be given as to exact figures of those who were murdered. However, I an convinced that it is possible on the basis of evaluation I did myself to give the minimum figures. The Kommandant of Auschwitz could only speak at the time during which he was Kommandant in Auschwitz.
Q. And you are of the opinion that between 4,000,000 and 4,500,000 people were killed?
A. Yes, I am.
Q. On 12 March 1938 you were arrested, to be exact, by the Gestapo in Vienna?
A. Yes.
Q. What were the reasons for the Gestapo to arrest you immediately after the entry of the German troops into Austria?
A. I have already stated that also.
Q. You testified that you supported active anti-Fascists in the Reich and that became known to the Gestapo. Could you give me the names of those persons who from 1933 to 1938 were helped by you from Austria?
A. It is not very difficult for me to compile a list for you. I shall give you a few names. Dr. Wilhelm Roden, Mathias Gruenwald in Weisbaden, Graf Preising in Munich, and in Vienna a number of immigrants, Klausdorn, for instance, and many, many others also.
Q. You stated furthermore that in the camp Buchenwald you belonged to the small group of inmates who knew all the details about the happenings of the concentration camp. In connection with your position, did you have certain privileges in that camp?
A. The privileges which I received for two years and a half were that I could live in a special block and that I could work there. My liquidation had been postponed until the end of the war, and in this death block which I mentioned only inmates of the same kind were used. We had to do a life-endangering type of work. Most of us worked with living typhus bacteria. Therefore, it was in the interest of the SS that the experts who were working there remain alive. Such exports could not simply be caught anywhere in Europe. They were, let us say, irreplaceable. Therefore, they gave certain privileges in order to keep us alive. These privileges consisted of, Number 1, to get better billets; Number 2, additional food allocations, which had been given by the Food Office in Vienna and put at our disposal; Number 3, we had the possibility to feed ourselves with infected rabbits.
I am sure that the Defense Counsel, if he had been in the same position as we were, would not have eaten rabbits which were infected with parathphus A and B.
Q. As we are speaking of food right now, I shall ask you about the quantity of food that the inmates received per week. In your book you have made certain remarks from which I can deduce the fact that this statement is also based on reports which are absolutely reliable, just as are the rest of your statements to this Tribunal.
A. Whatever I wrote in my book are facts based upon previous experience and documents or statements which were given to me by my comrades.
Q. According to you, the meat allocation in 1941, 1942, and 1943 was 400 grams per week per inmate. That is correct?
A. If that is what it says, apparently.
Q. The fat allocation per week, 200 grams per inmate?
A. The whole list you will read to me is correct, but the remarks which I made in my book with reference to that list are also correct. If I am not mistaken, there are 13 marginal notes in there.
Q. I am also interested now in the weekly food ration which the inmates received with reference to bread. They were approximately 2740 grams?
A. If they received it, yes.
Q. Is it correct that these things were not stated by the WVHA but by the Reich Food Ministry?
A. According to my information, in an agreement between the two offices. The Reich Food Ministry did not have anything to say about the system of the concentration camps. Every detail depended on the SS and nobody else.