Immediately under that is the name of Rwaski, Wladislaus, from a town in Poland. At about the middle of the page is Sirorski from Lublin Poland.
THE PRESIDENT: Where is that?
MR. McHANEY: Almost in the middle, just a little bit under the middle, you will see the name of Sommer, and it is immediately under Sommer.
THE PRESIDENT: I would suggest if you would refer to the numbers
MR. McHANEY: Yes, indeed.
THE PRESIDENT: It would be easier to follow.
MR. McHANEY: Sikorski is 26774. I will just give the last two digits in the number. I think that is sufficient. Sikorski is from Lublin in Poland, and the next man, 75, is from a place in Roumania, and 76 from Warsaw in Poland.
On the next page, 84, the first name at the top, Stern, is from a town in Poland, No. 87, Weisz, Ignaz, is from a town in Hungary. 92, Wozniczka, Ignaz, is from a town in Poland); 94 Wendolowski, from Warsaw, Poland; 96 from a town in Poland; 97 from Poland, 800 from Poland and 802 from Roumania.
I come now to Document 1151-PS, on page 13 of the Document Book, and this will be Prosecution Exhibit No. 411. On pages 13, 14, 15 and 16 we find a sample questionnaire, which we have seen several times before. This was a questionnaire which was filled out on the unfortunate victims who were sent to the extermination institutions. Thus was a questionnaire which came out of Linden's office, which was filled in, either in the asylum or the concentration camp, and based upon this questionnaire the decision was made by the experts as to whether the particular individual should be killed.
I call your attention again to the fact that on page 13 this questionnaire includes a space for race, with a foot-note: "German or related blood (of German blood), Jew, Jewish, half-breed of first or second degree. Negro (half-breed), Gypsy (half-breed), etc.", and on the same line is a place for nationality. If it should be urged by defense counsel that the euthcnasia program applied only to German Nationals, then why include a blank on the questionnaire for nationality.
It would be a very simple matter to advise everyone that this program applied only to Germans and not to include foreign nationals. We have seen not one word in any of the voluminous correspondence we have already introduced which indicates that this program was confined in any way to German Nationals. As a matter of fact, the proof is already shown that it applied in a large degree to non-German nationals from its very inception.
I will ask the Tribunal to turn to page 17, which is a part of the same exhibit, and we seeto whom this simple questionnaire was sent. It was included as an attachment to the teletype which we season page 17. The teletype is from Oranienburg, which was the headquarters of the WVHA, which had administrative control of all concentration camps. It is dated December 12, 1941, to the Camp Commandant of the Concentration Camp Cross-Rosen, and it states:
"In letter top secret 14 small F 13 of 10 Dec. 41, the sample questionnaire was by mistake not enclosed, Enclosure follows today.
Signed: Liebehenschel, SS Obersturmbannfuehrer."
Liebehenschel was one of the important leaders in the inspectorate of the concentration camps, thus we see that the sample questionnaire was one which was sent to the concentration camp, Cross-Rosen, to be used in connection with the action 14 of 13.
On the next page, that is, page 18, we see the letter from Liebehenschel referred to in the teletype, and the teletype says "In letter top secret 14 small f 13 of 10. Dec. 41", and here we have the letter, dated Oranienburg, 10 Dec. 1941, from The Reichsfuehrer SS, the Inspector of the Concentration Camps, and then you see immediately under that the code name: "14f 13", that is a secret diary reference, the letter being noted as "top secret."
"Subject: Doctors - Commission:
"Reference - Former correspondence of the 12th November, 1941, 14 f 13/ot/u.
"Enclosure - 1."
This is a letter distributed to a substantial number of the concentration camps, since this letter is addressed: "To the Camp Commandants of the Concentration Camps Dachau, Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Auschwitz, Flossenburg, Gross-Rosen, Neuengamme, Niederhagen. "As the camp commandants of the concentration camps, Dachau, Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald, Mauthausen and Auschwitz were informed in the correspondence mentioned above, the Doctors' - Commission will visit the above named concentration camps for the Selection of prisoners in the near future.
"The first half of January, 1942, is designated for this examination for the concentration camps Flossenburg, Gross-Rosen, Neuengamme, Niederhagen."
I might say parenthetically that the word "Doctors' - Commission" is very important, because it is the contention of the Prosecution, and it shall be proved, that the Doctors' Commission appeared in these concentration camps on the orders and at the direction of the organization you see on the wall, that is, the organization under the defendant, Karl Brandt and Victor Brack. The Doctors' Commission went to the camps at their orders. Of course, the Inspectors of the concentration camps, Himmler's organization, had to be informed and cooperated in the program, and indeed they did it in a very ample measure as we see from the affidavits of defendant Hoven.
He was not under the organization of the euthenasia program which we see pictured on the wall. Hoven was a concentration camp doctor, and the reason he is indicted for having participated in the euthenasia program is because concentration camp doctors necessarily did so. They did so because they were ordered, as this letter itself will show. They initially picked out from the inmates of the camp those who were eligible for transportation to an extermination institution. The Doctors' Commission which was a part of the euthenasia program pictured on the wall, then came to the camp and was presented with questionnaires such as the sample sent Cross-Rosen, which had been partially filled out with the name and other references there called for in the questionnaire, The Doctors' Commission then filled out additional parts of the questionnaire, and may have perhaps made a closer examination of the inmates who had been first selected by the concentration camp doctors, such as Hoven, and in this process, undoubtedly, a few of the inmates were weeded out, that is, not included in the extermination transport.
But it cannot be said that action 14 f 13 was an action of Himmler or an action of the SS with which the defendant, Karl Brandt, and the defendant Brack had nothing to do. It can't be maintained, and we are now in the process of proving precisely the contrary.
To continue with this letter. The concentration camps are advised that the Doctors' Commission will visit the concentration camps in the near future. I have read the paragraph reading:
"The first half of January 1912 is designated for this examination for the concentration camps Flossenburg, Gross-Rosen, Neuengamme, Niederhagen."
It continues:
"Since the available doctors have a very heavy responsibility, the examinations in the concentration camps must be shortened as much as possible.
"In the enclosure a sample of the questionnaire will be sent as a copy for the preparatory work. These forms are to be mimeographed -and to be filled out. The answering of single questions are taken up in this sample which are underlined in red and only these questions have to be answered. Relative to these single questions, the following explanation is given:
"The question 'physically incurable ailment' is not only to be answered with yes or no if possible, but to bo answered with a short summary of the diagnosis. In addition, also the question of war injuries is to be determined because this guarantees a decided alleviation in the examination work of the Doctors'-Commission. If the space under the question of 'delinquency' and 'previous convictions' is not sufficient, the answer is to be put on the back side of the questionnaire as is designated in the sample. Individual punishments are not to be enumerated, only those regarding main convictions are to be briefly summarized, the single delinquencies are only to be briefly mentioned. Those prisoners who come into question for examination are evident from the designated questions in the questionnaire.
"All documents and hospital reports on hand are to be placed at the disposal of the Commission upon request for examination.
"The adjutants of the concentration camps Flossenburg, Gross-Rosen, and Neuengamme will be verbally ordered here in this affair at a given time.
"Following the completion of the examination the inspector of the concentration camp is to make a report in which the number of the prisoners who were directed for the special treatment 14 F 13 are to be mentioned. The exact time of the arrival of the Doctors'-Commission will be announced in due time.
SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer" On the next page we come to another one of those lists.
In order that the Tribunal may understand just what this list is I ask that you turn first to page 29 of this same document.
On page 29 we find that this is an internal memorandum in the Gross-Rosen Concentration Camp, dated December 16, 1941. If the Tribunal will recall, the letter to Gross-Rosen was dated December 10, 1941. So, we have in a matter of some six days this document here.
"Subject: Selection of inmates.
Ref.: None Enclosure:
3" It is "To the Commander's office / concentration camp Gross-Rosen.
The camp for protective custody forwards the enclosed a list of inmates eligible for transport.
From the ward 70 inmates were selected From the blocks 104 inmates were selected Jews 119 inmates Total:
293 inmates according: to the status on the 15 December 1941.
Since a transport is planned for a later date, the requested number of inmates was exceeded by 43, in order to make room for eventual losses." This is signed by "SS-Untersturmfuehrer" in the Gross-Rosen concentration camp.
The list which begins on page 20 is the list referred to in the document which I have just read. The inmates number check out - 293. So, we see that this list is one prepared in the concentration camp Gross-Rosen before the Doctors'-Commission had arrived and I suggest that it was made out by the camp doctor in Gross-Rosen.
The list is most interesting. On page 20 we see that it lists the "Jews in protective custody" giving their number, name, first name, and date of birth, but no nationality. I suppose in the absence of other evidence Defense Counsel would have us believe that this list, in excess of one hundred Jews taken from concentration camp Gross-Rosen, were all German Jews or German citizens. Such is not the case and I will ask the Tribunal to refer back now to page 10 of the Document Book and find the name under no. 26766, the fifth name from the top of page 10, Rekel, Josef. Page 10 of the Document Book, the man whose name is listed as no. 26766, fifth from the top of the page - Josef Rekel. He is listed as being in Poland. You will recall that this list of names is one dated 19 March 1942 coming from concentration camp Gross-Rosen. The list from which we have just referred on page 20 is a list made up in the concentration camp Gross-Rosen as being those eligible for transport on 16 December 1941, three months before this list of persons on page 10 and following this, actually arrived at Bernburg. The name Rekel is on page 27 of this list --page 27 under "Poles in Protective Custody". Does the Tribunal find, that - "Poles in Protective Custody" on page 27. The name Rekel is listed following number 294. It must be fifteen names from the bottom of the list. So, as I stated, when I put in the list of March 19, 1942, which is a list of Cross-Rosen inmates who had arrived at Bernburg. I stated that it can be proved, and is proved, by the example which I have just given that foreign nationals, non-German nationals, were included in this extermination action.
Let's return then to page 20. First we find just "Jews in protective custody". There is quite a long list of them. They run from page 20, page 21 and top of page 22. Then we come to "Jewish who were habitual criminals". So again we are distinguishing between habitual criminals and persons in protective custody, although I suppose here again, and it may be urged by Defense Counsel, that these in protective custody were also habitual criminals. Also, under that we see"Jewish who were shirkers". The only thing that means is that they felt they had some Jews who were Lazy and wouldn't work.
"Jewish who were shirkers" and "Jewish who defiled the race" down at the bottom, Jews, of course, are all thrown into a separate category from everyone else as we see on page 23.
On page 23 we come to Ward selection in the concentration camp Gross-Rosen, Ward, as we shall see to be distinguished from block selection. Under Ward selection we have the category of prisoners in protective custody and habitual criminals. On page 24 we have "Poles in protective custody". That continues down to the bottom of the page where we have a note "S.A.W". I must confess I don't know what that means. On the next page - page 25 - we find some "Czechs" and then under that again we find this unique category labeled "shirkers".
On page 26 we find the Block selection of the concentration camp Gross-Rosen distinguishing here from the previous ward selection, both of which are distinguished from the Jews selected. Here again we find in the Block selection "prisoners in protective custody" and habitual criminals". On page 27 we have "shirkers". There seem to be more shirkers among the block than among the ward. Then there is a long list of "Poles in protective custody", then "S.A.W." on page 28 and lastly, Czechs in Protective Custody".
Now that list represents what was done at the concentration camp Gross-Rosen on the initiation of concentration camp management. They were told by Oranienburg to make that selection initially of those eligible for transport. Prosecution takes the position that selection was done by the camp doctors and the one in concentration camp Buchenwald by the defendant Hoven. So, the doctors at Gross-Rosen picked out 293; including a substantial number of Poles, Czechs, and Jews whose nationality is not specified but who we have proved from the previous exhibit, document NO-158 which was Prosecution Exhibit 411, did include non-German Jews.
Well, let's see what happened to this list of names initially elected by the camp doctors in Gross-Rosen.
The next document is on page 30 and is still part of 1151-PS and Prosecution Exhibit 412.
That should be Prosecution Exhibit 411 and my former reference to document NO-158 should be Prosecution Exhibit 410. This is a teletype message again from Oranienburg, dated 10 January 1942, to "The Camp Commander of the Concentration Camp Cross-Rosen SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Roedl.
"Your adjutant, SS Oberscharfuehrer Suttrop is to report on the 12.1.1942 at the office of the Inspector of the Concentration Camps at Oranienburg in order to receive verbal directions regarding a Z.14 F 13."
On page 31 we find a very interesting document. It is another letter from Liebehenschel to the concentration camp commander of Gross-Rosen, SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Roedl, Subject: Medical commission, concerning "Our letter of November 12, 1941" dated Oranienburg, 10 January 1942:
"In pursuance of the above rule you are informed that the SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Mennecke will undertake the selection of the inmates in the concentration camp of Gross-Rosen, beginning on the 16 or 17 January 1942. The necessary formulas of notification have already been transmitted to the camp; they are to be filled in - as was ordered in the letter - as far as possible before the arrival of Dr. Mennecke. The adjustment SS Oberscharfuehrer Suttrop is to report on 12 January 1942 at the office of the inspector of the concentration camps at Oranienburg to receive a special verbal directive on this matter. Signed Liebehenschel."
So we find that after the eligible inmates for experimentation were selected in Gross-Rosen in December, 1941, we find than the doctors' commission is to appear on 16 or 17 January 1942, approximately thirty days later and it is perfectly apparent that the doctors' commission was to survey those who had been selected in Gross-Rosen in December, 1941, and it is of some interest to observe who was going to be on this doctors' commission - Dr. Mennecke. It so happens that Dr. Mennecke was in December of last year convicted to death by a German court in Frankfurt for participation in the "euthanasia" program. Dr. Mennecke has not yet been executed. He has been brought to Nurnberg and he will testify before this Tribunal.
The next document is on page 32 of the document book and we have moved past Dr. Mennecke's visit to Gross-Rosen and we're now at Bernburg, the extermination station. This letter is dated March 3, 1942 at Bernburg, Concentration camp to the commander personally, Gross-Rosen. Stamped up at the top "received at Grcss-Rosen on 5 March 1942":
"Enclosed we forward a list in duplicate of the 214 male inmates of your camp which have.been put at cur disposal by Berlin. They were medically examined and selected at your camp on the 19th or 20th Jan 1942 and their personal papers were sent to us by Berlin. We beg you to suggest in what manner this transfer can be best carried out by you.
In view of the long distance transportation by rail is advisable in our opinion. In this case we should be grateful, if you could effect the dispatch cf the 214 inmates by rail on Monday, 23rd March 1942 insuring its arrival here on 24 March 1942.
"Considering the great number of inmates a corresponding number of guards will be necessary.
"In our opinion the 24 March 1942 would be the most suitable day of arrival, because in the meantime transports of inmates from other concentration camps will arrive, and a period of interim is necessary for us in order to be able to carry out all this work.
"If a transfer by omnibus should be impossible we suggest that this transfer should be effected in two transports of 107 inmates each, one on Tuesday, 24 March and the other on Thursday 26 March 1942.
"We beg you to inform us definitely of your opinion as to our suggestions in order to enable us to take further steps.
Heil Hitler Gedenschweig."
Gedenschweig apparently was an official at Bernburg.
Now this is most interesting. We see that from the original 293 inmates selected by the camp doctors in Gross-Rosen in the middle of December, 1941, 214 of them have been earmarked for transportation to Bernburg to be exterminated and very fortunately they included the list of the inmates who had been put at the disposal of Bernburg by Berlin and that list begins on page 33 and runs through page 38. This list also is quite interesting. Name No. 2 of the list beginning on page 33, Bajgelmann, Isaak, born on 4.8.09. What nationality is Bajgelmann? We can refer back to page 9 of the document book under the number 26748 - Bajgelmann is there listed as coming from a town in Poland. But even more clear is name No. 21, Chiefewski, Johann - No. 21 on page 33 - Chielewski, Johann. If the Tribunal will turn to page 27, the name listed opposite the number 1258 under "Poles in Protective Custody - it is the one, two, three, fourth, name down, you will notice that there is a difference in spelling. On page 27 the man's name is spelled Chmielewski, the second name being Jan, birth date 9.10.
13. The man listed on page 33 after No. 21 - the name is spelled Chielewski, second name Johann, the birth date being exactly the same - 9.10.13. I submit that those are one and the same individual, the nationality being listed on page 27 as Polish.
THE PRESIDENT: At this time the Tribunal will recess until 1:30 o'clock.
(A recess was taken.)
AFTERNOON SESSION The hearing reconvened at 1330 hours, 15 January 1947.
THE MARSHAL: The Tribunal is again in session.
MR. MC HANEY: If the Tribunal please, before the recess we were considering the nationality of the Gross-Rosen concentration camp inmates who were listed for transport to the extermination center at Bernburg. That list begins on page 33 of the English Document Book and I had demonstrated that Inmate No. 21, listed on page 33, was of Polish nationality by reference back to the list compiled by the concentration camp doctors in Gross-Rosen in December 1941.
JUDGE SEBRING: Mr. McHaney, at the beginning you referred to the Inmate No. 2 and referred us back to page 9.
MR. MCHANEY: No. 2, page 9, that is correct.
JUDGE SEBRING: Have you told us the number on page 9?
MR. MCHANEY: The number on page 9 is listed as 26748.
JUDGE SEBRING: Thank you.
MR. MCHANEY: It is the third name from the top of the list on page I do not wish to labor the Tribunal by showing in each instance how it can determined that one or the other of the inmates listed on page 33 and follow ing are Poles or Czechs but I would like to give two further examples in order to demonstrate how in each case.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal does not desire to limit you in any such manner, Mr. McHaney.
MR. MCHANEY: Does not desire to...
THE PRESIDENT: To limit you in any such manner.
MR. MCHANEY: No. 22 on page 33.
THE PRESIDENT: It might be helpful to the Tribunal if you would elaborate them as much as you desire.
MR. MC HANEY: I wish to indicate, for the Tribunal's information, e*** person on this list of two hundred and some names who was a Role or a Czec* but I will not in each instance prove it by reference back.
THE PRESIDENT: It seems to me that would be sufficient, Mr. McHaney.
MR. MC HANEY: No. 22 is listed as Cichon, Josef.
JUDGE SEBRING: On what page is that?
MR. MC HANEY: Page 33, Your Honor, No. 22, with the birth date of March 25, 1910. If the Tribunal will refer back to page 24, under "Roles in protective custody" at the top of the page, you will see Joseph Cichon listed as No. 934. That is the fourth name down from the top of the list on Rage 24, giving the same birth date and thereby showing that the named individual included in the list of those sent to Bernburg, beginning on page 33, was a Pole.
By the same token, the inmate listed as No. 23 on page 33, Chrust, Michel, giving as birth date 27.8.12, is shown to be of Polish nationality by reference to page 25, no, that is a mistake, Your Honor, it is page 24, the prisoner listed as 133 on page 24, just above the one we had mentioned before, Josef Cichon. Do you find it? It is the third down from the top of the page. Michel Chrust, the same birth date, August 27, 1912, as a Pole in protective custody.
So, on page 33, which is the beginning of the extermination list, we have four inmates of Polish nationality, No. 2, No. 21, No, 22, and No. 23. On the next page, page 34, the inmate listed as No. 31 was Polish, No. 42 was Polish.
JUDGE SEBRING: No. 42?
MR. MC HANEY: No. 42, yes, Sir. No. 47 was Polish; No. 51 was Czech; No. 66, Polish. On the next page, that is, page 35, No. 72 was Czech, No. 74 Czech; No. 79, polish; No. 80, Polish; No. 81, Polish; No. 82, Polish; No. 83, Polish; No. 89, Polish; No. 97, Polish, No. 100, Czech; No. 104, Polish, No. 108, Czech. On the next page, page 36, No. 112, Polish; No. 114, Polish; No. 117, Polish; No. 118, Polish; No. 129, Polish. On the next page, page 37, No. 131, Polish; No. 133, Polish; No. 135, Polish; No. 137, Polish; No. 143, Czech; No. 144, Polish; No. 148, Polish; No. 149, Polish; No. 150, Polish; No. 158, Polish; No. 160, Czech; No. 171, Polish; No. 172, Polish, No. 173, Polish. On the next page, page 38, No. 177, Polish; No. 181, Czech; No. 186, Polish; No. 190, Polish; No. 191, Polish; No. 193, Polish; No. 198, Czech;
No. 109, Polish; No. 203, Polish; No. 204, Polish; No. 209, Polish; No. 213, Polish.
These designations of Polish and Czechoslovakian nationality are taken from the list made up in Gross-Rosen where the prisoners were so designated as being of Polish or Czech nationality. It should not be understood that have designated all the non-German nationals in this list of 214 names of inmates who were sent to Bernburg for extermination, the reason being that nationalities of the very large number of Jews initially picked out and a large number of whom are included in this list are not shown; that is, the nationalities of the Jews are not specified. However, as can be seen from Exhibit 410, on page 9 and following, a substantial number of these Jews were born in countries other than Germany, as I have previously indicated; and so it is apparent, I think, that a further substantial number of the inmates among these 214 Gross-Rosen inmates were of non-German nationality. Be that as it may, we have proved without any question, that of the 314 inmates listed, 51, no less than 51, were of Polish or Czechoslovakian nationality, which is approximately 35 percent of the total number listed for extermination at Bernburg.
I turn now to page 39 of the document book, which is still a part of Document 1151-PS, Prosecution Exhibit 411. This letter originated in the concentration camp, Gross-Rosen, and is dated 6 March 1942, stamped "Secret" "Subject:
Transfer of inmates to the Mental Institution to Mr. Mr. Gedenschwing personally, Bernburg:
"In reply to your letter of 3 March 1942, we wish to inform you that only a transport by rail can be considered, no suitable vehicles being avail able. The fact, however, that a great number of the inmates are not in a condition to march, would necessitate their transport from the railroad station by vehicle. The transport will leave then on 23 March 1942.
"I furthermore beg you to inform me whether the inmates are to go to Bernburg or elsewhere. At present, there are still 125 inmates who are to be transferred.
"An accurate list of names will be handed to the conductor of the transport.
"Heil - Hitler."
"Signed by the camp commander of the concentration camp Gross-Rosen."
The next page, page 40, we find is a teletype from Liebehenschel, the manner of the inspectorate of the concentration camps, stationed in Oranienburg, dated March 25, 1942, addressed:
"To the Camp Commanders of the Concentration Camps, Gross-Rosen," "Secret:
Report here through FS, how many inmates were transferred to date for special treatment 14 f 13. This report must include times of the selection, as well as the number of inmates transferred. In compliance with the local circular order POL. /AZ.: 14f 13/OT./S. of 10 December 41 in the future a numerical report on each selection is to be submitted immediately."
We find the answer to this teletype from Gross-Rosen on page 41, it is dated 26 March 1942:
"To SS Economic-Administrative Main Office, Section D, Oranienburg."
By this time the W.V.H.A. under Oswald Pohl, recently indicted had taken over the administrative jurisdiction of concentrations camps, that jurisdiction was exercised through Section D of the office of the W.V.H.A. This teletype is labeled.
"Secret:"
"Subject: Special treatment 14 f 13", concerning: "Your teletype letter of 25 March 1942.
"In answer to the above letter, the commander of the concentration camp Gross Rosen reports the following: On 19 and 20 January 1942, 214 inmates were selected. From this number, 70 were transferred on 17 March 1942 and 57 inmates on 18 March 1942. Between 20 January and 17 March, 1942 36 selected inmates died. The remainder of 51 inmates consists of 42 Jews, who are able to work and 10 other inmates, who have remained their strength owing to a temporary cessation of work (camp closed between 17 January and 17 February 1942) and who will therefore not be transferred." (signed) "The Camp Commander Redl, SS 0bersturmbannfuehrer."
This is a most interesting Document. You will see that the transport of the selected inmates from Gross-Rosen place on two dates: 70 being transferred on March 17, 1942 and 57 inmates on March 18, 1942. We have introduced already, as Prosecution Exhibit 410, the list of the 57 inmates transferred on March 18, 1932. That exhibit begins on page 7 of the Document book. We have already covered that exhibit and the fact constitutes the second transport of 57 inmates. I have counted them and there are precisely 57 names in that list.
This is a very revealing Document, as it shows so clearly one of the primary bases of selection of the inmates to be executed. It tolls that 51 of the inmates were given a respite from work from January 20th to March 17th and recovered sufficiently so that they were able to again perform work, so that they were not included in this transport to Bernburg for extermination.
How, then, can the Defense maintain that this Buthanasia program had as its basis consideration for eugenics and the purification of the German race? It is difficult to understand how the murder of fifty-one Czechs and Poles could have anything to do with the purification of the German race.
It is also difficult to understand an argument justifying mercy killings, so-called on the grounds of eugenics or the elimination of incurably insane persons, when we found that they did not send to the extermination camp fifty-one persons who were given a few days rest and then became able to perform work. No, it is perfectly clear that the basic consideration was the inability of the persons to work, they were useless caters and a burden to the war economy of Germany.
On Page 42 we find another letter from Bernburg dated 10 March 1942, to the Commander of the concentration camp Gross-Rosen, subjects "Transfer of inmates - Your letter of 6 March '42."
"We are in possession of your above-mentioned letter and forward the signed receipt. As regards the transport of the 125 inmates we make the following suggestion: Transport the 125 inmates by rail on 23 March 1942 to the station Guesten (Anhalt). From there we will fetch the inmates with motor trucks.
"We ask you to inform us in good time when the transport is to arrive at Guesten, so that we can make the necessary preparations. At the same time we ask you to provide sufficient men to guard the inmates until we take them over. We would appreciate it, if your men would also undertake the guarding of the transport as far as the asylum Bernburg. In this case the guards would be taken care of by us and then again put on their March to Gross-Rosen. In reply to your inquiry we wish to inform you, that the destination of the rail transport is Guesten, whereas the final destination of the inmates is Bernburg (Saale), where they will remain.
Heil Hitler!
Hirche."
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal would like to examine the original of that document, counsel.
MR. McHANEY: This particular document which I have just read is indicated as being on Page 27 of the original which the Tribunal now has before it.
The next document and the next part of this same document is on Page 43 of the document book. This is a letter from the WVHA, Section D, Concentration Camps. This is one of the form letters which was sent at the same time to the camp commanders of the concentration camps Dachau, -- the "Du" there undoubtedly should be "Bu" -- Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Neuengamme, Auschwitz, Gross-Rosen -- and the "Hie", I am not familiar with that, and "Ra" would be Ravensbruck.
"Through the report of a camp commander it became known, that 42 of the 51 inmates selected for special treatment 14 of 13 became 'fit to work again' after some time which made their transfer for special treatment unnecessary. This shows that the selection of these inmates is not being effected in compliance with the rules laid down. Only those inmates who correspond to the conditions laid down and, this is the most important thing, who are no longer fit to work, are to be brought before the examining commission.
"In order to enable the concentration camps to carry out the tasks they are set, every inmate fit to work is to be put at the disposal of the camp. The camp commanders of the concentration camps are asked to give their special attention to this matter." Signed "Liebehenschel."
And here again we have a document which indicates the true purpose of the euthanasia program, the elimination of these unable to work.
I turn now to Document No. 907, on page 45 of the English Document Book, and I offer this as Prosecution Exhibit No. 412. This document consists of extracts from certain letters written by Dr. Mennecke to his wife. The first excerpt carries the date line "Bielefeld, 19 February 1941, Hotel Bielefelder Hof."
"..... This morning at 8:30 we first went by cars which were put at our disposal from Berlin, to the county leadership of the NSDAP. There we had a meeting of two hours, at which were present: the Party County Leader, the County President Westphalia-South and a Gau representative. Immediately after that we drove to Bethel together with these gentlemen - we were together 22 persons - where a new meeting was held with Pastor Bodelschwingh, the chief-physician Dr. Schorsch and 2 officials from Bethel, very interesting! The few remaining hours of the morning we spent with Dr. Schorsch as our leader, by inspecting the houses which Prof. Heyde and Herr Brack had allotted to each of us individually. I am working together with Dr. Wischer, the chief physician of Waldheim.