Speech on the Nazi movement in Austria in the 1930s, including Seyss-Inquart's role as a negotiator, Austrian-German relations, the Nazi seizure of power, and Hitler's arrival in March 1938

[The attached document is the text of a speech made by Dr. FRIEDRICH RAINER on 11 March 1942 in Klagenfurt before the Leaders Corps and the bearers of honor insignia (Ehrenzeichen) and blood orders (Blutorden) of the Gau Karinthia. This document is part of the files of the Landgericht for Criminal Procedure Vienna in the case against Dr. SCHMIDT and others.]
National Socialism in Austria from the July Rebellion in 1934 to the Seizure of Power on 11 March 1938.
'Speech by Gauleiter Dr. Friedrich Rainer made on 11 March 1942 in Klagenfurt before the Leaders Corps and the bearers of honor insignia [Ehrenzeichen] and blood orders [Blutorden] of the Gau Karinthia.
My Party comrades, Ladies and Gentlemen:
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Beginning with back of page 7 * * * We had the following political attitude:
The Ministry Glaise-Horstenau was designated to function as appeasing Ministry. Negotiations were under way between the German Reich and Austria with regard to the press system and the exchange of books. Within the Party internal discussions started again within a short time. Differences of opinion about the agreement soon appeared again. That led to the fact that Captain Leopold began to represent a different attitude from that of us three Karinthia representatives. Leopold was of the opinion that it would be possible to get permission from Schuschnigg directly to rebuild the NSDAP in the form of a cultural association. We were of the opinion that any legal form of association (even a rabbit breeding association) could only be permitted if we made an ideological compromise; but this would be impossible. The ideological line must be kept.
[Page 8]
I relied on the Fuehrer word: "My idea will also melt those ice blocks on the other side." From this I recognized that the Fuehrer, first of all had confidence in the dynamics of his idea. Then: "Did you use all political possibilities." There were different ones to be utilized in the process of which we tried to avoid bringing the unity of the Party to a breaking point again. That demanded the severest personal sacrifices. We had to take accusations bordering on the grotesque. We had to meet situations sounding overaged today; at that time it was a matter of life and death. We had to fight it through. I tried over and over again to explain my attitude to Leopold and his co-workers! Jury again and again met me half way. After Leopold expressed confidence in myself and Globus, Klausner was compelled to talk to him. There were, to say it again difficult discussions. There already was a representative of the Reich involved, Gruppenfuehrer Kepler and his co-worker Kaesemeier, who were present as the official representatives of the Fuehrer.
At the end of 1936 the time had come when Kepler declared unequivocally: The political programatic represented by the Carinthians is the only correct one. But it must be tried to make this attitude into the generally accepted one, so that Leopold is converted to it. I should like to state: Party comrade Leopold, who was killed in the East, stands firmly in his clear-cut attitude; existing political mistakes cannot be considered as a guilt in retrospect.
At that time it was difficult to find the right way. I believe
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that it was only possible for us to follow the right way at that time because we were with the Fuehrer on 16 July, and heard from him what he wants. In the most difficult moments I always tried to remember: "What did the Fuehrer say?" I cannot and I must not deviate from it. This attitude was right. At that time we made political progress. Schuschnigg soon demonstrated that he only intended to be a chiseler. Leopold saw that a compromise would not work. The "Seven Committee" also did not progress very far. A number of gentlemen tried to find a platform; Wolsegger and Hasslacher worked on it. Only in cooperating with us—Jury and a number of co-workers of Leopold—and also with Leopold's consent it was possible to achieve Seyss-In-quart's appointment to the post of State Council [Staatsrat], July 1937.
More and more Seyss turned out to be the clever negotiator. We knew that he was the one who would best represent the interests of the movement in the political forefield. He also unconditionally subordinated himself always to Klausner's leadership. He always conducted himself as Klausner's deputy and conscien-ciously followed Klausner's instructions. With Seyss' appointment to the post of Staatsrat we found a new possibility to enter into further negotiations. At that time there were a number of very grotesque situations. We were informed on events in the Schuschnigg camp by the political apparatus, our own connection to Ribbentrop, Goering and Himmler we have via Kepler.
In a cafe in the Ringstrasse negotiations between us and Reich German representatives took place. We again had conferences with our people in the government or at another key point in the Austrian system to an extent that we were able to penetrate into the Ministry. And, when the commission was formed, the Reich German commission on the one side and the Austrian on the other, it was always the following game ; the Reich German Commission was informed up to the last detail and these conferences always ended with a hundred percent victory for the German Reich. We got more and more opportunities to make our wishes felt in the Reich. With regard to exterior conditions the developments between the government and the LS-population became constantly more critical. The Neurath visit led to demonstrations; a new wave of arrests came. In November 1937 the situation was such that a break or further violations of the relation between Germany and Austria were inevitable. It was Globus who first had the idea : "A Schuschnigg visit to the Fuehrer must take place."
74440Û—47—46
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He told me that it was necessary. I was against it; it would be impossible and too dangerous. We cautiously considered the idea in Berlin and Kepler presented it to Ribbentrop. Papen was commissioned to make preparations for this conference.
Papen had been expressly told to handle preparations for the conference confidentially. In Austria only Schuschnigg, Schmidt, and Zernatto knew about it. They believed that on our side only Papen was informed.
[Page 9]
Papen too, thought that only he knew about it but we too were informed and had had conversations with Seyss about the subject. Now Schuschnigg still wanted to speak with Seyss and make some concessions before he went to Berchtesgaden, which he would announce to the Fuehrer at the Obersalzberg. We were invited by Tschammer to the Olympic Games to Garmisch and when we found out, Zernatto said: "I see you go with mixed feelings." We then had a meeting with Papen and with Seyss. Tschammer and Papen went through some negotiations. Globus and I then went to Berlin and made there a number of demands of the party. All July putschists should be released, as well as all "explosive matter-criminals" [SprengstofF-Verbrecher] and given total amnesty, a further ministry formed which was to be given as ministry of the interior and of safety into Seyss' hand, etc., readmission of swastika armband, etc.
It was just before our departure from Berlin. We had continued working during the night and made plans with our Berlin friends. In the morning we had the feeling: What will happen if Schuschnigg accepts the demands, then there would be the danger that he was legal, that we would have to reckon with him. In all haste we composed a report declaring that the party needed these conditions, but if possible without Schuschnigg; he would never be a partner. Then we threw Ribbentrop's adjutant out of bed and asked him to pass the report on to Ribbentrop. Then we were in Berlin and Schuschnigg asked Seyss again for a conversation at his place. Seyss had been negotiating for months the so-called Klausner program. Schuschnigg wanted to accept this and Seyss told him that in the meantime the situation had changed. The situation has stiffened. The two separated without a result, after Schuschnigg had dragged out the conversation long enough as to just have time to drive to the station to catch the train to Salzburg. Zernatto wrote a book about these days and said: "We are realizing, more and more, that Seyss was a stooge and that behind him were to be found a number of SS
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officers among whom are Klausner, Globotschnig, and Rainer and that these people are the real wire-pullers. We had always thought that nobody knew about this visit to Berchtesgaden except Papen, the queer behavior of Seyss made the Austrian Chancellor very apprehensive. One knew that Seyss must have known about it. (Au revoir in Salzburg.)
Schuschnigg's opinion was that the Reich in view to the foreign policy situation (Paris and London) needed again to make an agreement in the style of 1936. It would be sufficient if Schuschnigg made a number of concessions. They would separate, the Fuehrer would be enthusiastic, the matter would be settled.
We had already prepared the following:
The last result of the conversation Seyss communicated to me in a place in the Kaertnerstrasse. I called the telephone number where Globus [Globocnik] was to be reached in Berlin, and told him about the negative result of the conversation. I could speak with Globus entirely freely. We had a secret code for each name, and besides we both spoke a terrible dialect so that not a soul would have understood us. Globus immediately wrote down this report, and communicated it immediately via the security office by teletype to Munich, where it was written down. In the meantime Kepler had gone to Munich by sleeping-car. When he left the train the Statepolice Munich handed him the letter with the latest Vienna report, with which he left for Berchtesgaden. I then forwarded instructions by Party member Muehlmann who proved to be an excellent liaison man to party and government offices in the Reich. He left for Salzburg on the same train as Schuschnigg. While Schuschnigg had his car taken off at Salzburg and spent the night there and continued by auto to the Obersalzberg on the following day, Muehlmann continued on and was in Berchtesgaden. Kepler and he went to the Fuehrer before Schuschnigg and could tell him everything. Schuschnigg arrived in the morning, was received, and lived to see the boundless surprise that the Fuehrer took up the negotiations where they had broken off without results the day before between Seyss and him.1 The Fuehrer did not conduct the negotiations as Schuschnigg expected. He went the whole hog. Schuschnigg was finished off that time. The Fuehrer got hold of him, insulted him [beleidiste] and shouted at him and reproached him for all the dirty tricks Schuschnigg had committed during the years past. Schuschnigg had become a heavy smoker. We had connections even into his bedroom. We knew about his way of life. Now he was smoking 50, now 60 cigarettes. Now at the Fuehrer's he was not allowed to smoke.
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[Page 10]
Ribbentrop told me he really pitied Schuschnigg. He only stood at attention before the Fuehrer, had his hands against the seams, and all he said was "Yes Sir" [jawohl], Schuschnigg tried to object to something but got so terribly shouted at that he fell back into silence. Then the meal was taken. Then the Fuehrer called Sperle who had just relinquished the Command in Spain. The Fuehrer asked him to speak about the air force [Luftwaffe].
Schuschnigg was given a very impressive picture of the German Army. Keitel too was present. After the meal the Fuehrer asked Ribbentrop to continue conversations with Schuschnigg. Before the conversation with Schuschnigg began, Schmidt went to Ribbentrop and said: "Please permit that the Austrian chancellor smokes one single cigarette," which was allowed. Ribbentrop then talked to him: "Now look at the situation as it is—the Fuehrer is not a man to joke with. There are chances for you; the Fuehrer wants to conclude the treaty with you, if you concede." The development leads to National Socialism. He developed before him how Hitler saw the future Reich, how the Anschluss was. Ribbentrop had the feeling of having mollified Schuschnigg by his kind words. So it was possible to draft a number of regulations in the final conversations.
Schuschnigg had taken it onto himself to obtain President Miklas's consent. During this conversation, which lasted for quite a while, Zernatto in Vienna was hanging nervously on the telephone. He called up the security director, who is still in the CC [KZ] to day, in Salzburg and asked about Schuschnigg, and when Schuschnigg did not come back, he understood that the conversations were not developing as desired, as Schuschnigg was being delayed at the Obersalzberg. Preparations were made to liberate the Federal Chancellor; the Salzburg garrison was mobilized but not put into action, but it was ready.
In the meantime Schuschnigg was back and had spent the night in Salzburg. Zernatto wanted to learn something from him and tried to speak to him over the telephone but Schuschnigg was finished.
We were in Vienna and got our news. Zernatto was in greatest anxiety. He was at the station the following day to meet Schuschnigg, spoke with him and got the following description: "The Fuehrer is a devil, he is a Beserk, a lunatic. It was terrible, the way he treated me." Schuschnigg was so much under the weight of the events that he was completely without a will of his own. He was simply k. o. Guido Schmidt too confirmed that
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it had been terrible. Ribbentrop had been kind, he had been the only one.
Now the treaty had to be ratified by Miklas. The good old catholic Miklas, who was under the influence of the Pope, was not easy to fell. We had to fight for 3 days with the result that even the threat of an invasion was made, that Miklas's confessor finally was informed by us. Finally Miklas signed the contract but with greatest repugnance. You know the result. A Ministry was formed with Seyss, Schuschnigg took the opportunity of not only taking in Seyss but also other people who were to counterbalance him.
Also a possibility for activity of the National Socialists was allowed, not for the NSDAP, a considerable enlargement of the demographic department [volkspolitisches Referat]. These demographic departments had already been set up before with consent of the Reich. Their purpose was to form an outlet for the spokesmen of the nationalistic part of the population.
I must state here, that these demographic experts worked very well and the men were all decent without exception. The most difficult case at the time seemed to be in Carinthia. The chief of section Perkonig was described to us in a biased way. In Maier-Kaibitsch's office-room Perkonig sided unconditionally with the party and he kept his promise. In that way we had the possibility through this man in whom Zernatto as well as Schuschnigg confided, to have news brought to both these men. And besides these demographic departments were organized with Seyss as chief and Jury as his deputy. The leadership of the party the Fuehrer had transferred to party member Klausner who in the meantime had had a conversation with the Fuehrer at the Reich Chancery at Berlin where he had made a report to the Fuehrer about the development in the last years. So shortly before the decisive actions, the complete unity of the NSDAP was reestablished. Klausner re-established the old construction, which had been formed for the first time at the Kaertner Hof in 1935 which had been renewed in 1936 and which then had to struggle with difficulties for a long while.
Now came a period during which we had to be ever so careful and had to be clever politicians.
[Page 11]
It was therefore difficult, as it was clear that Schuschnigg looked for possibilities to get out of the Berchtesgaden agreement.
Schuschnigg wanted to bring the party into opposition to the policies of the Reich. Schuschnigg figured that the German Reich
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could not stand a burden on account of foreign politics. He wanted to create a situation in Austria which would make Germany the mischief maker, in order to get a guarantee of independence for Austria from Paris, London, and Moscow-Prague.
In those last days of February Schuschnigg made a step from a Catholic politician to a politician who is ready to ally himself with the Soviets in order to prevent the "Anschluss". He prepared the formation of a black-red coalition. This made the situation of the party difficult. At the same time we received the strictest instructions from the Fuehrer. According to the February agreement it was as follows: The Fuehrer salute could be used, the songs were sung. Large demonstrations occurred at Graz.
The Fuehrer sent us Kepler with instructions to be extremely careful regarding the political developments of the Austria situation. Kepler was sitting in the airplane when he was recalled. He said: "We have to go the road of the revolution, no uprising shall develop as yet; we shall not whirl for the time being. Klausner kept the party back. Those are the reasons why the demonstrations of Graz which had been prepared and which had started, had to be recalled. Such was the situation in Graz that Schuschnigg believed that it might become necessary to use troops and he hoped to split the party from the government of Seyss and Glaise."
Significant was the following: It could be seen from these actions that the men of the party marched according to a political command. Just as they assembled, they also departed on the minute. When the troops arrived the streets of Graz were free. When Seyss visited Graz, the whole city was covered with swastikas for one hour, but one hour later everything had quieted down. Schuschnigg now recognized that the party had political leadership and those who march on the streets are like those who are in a reserve position, and the party is not blind but has political leadership. In this manner the plebiscite developed by which he hoped to take the Reich by surprise and to hasten the guarantee of the Western States for an independent Austria.
These actions had another consequence. The Fuehrer could convince himself that the party in Austria is ready and that the masses of the population are on its side. This was decisive for the decision which the Fuehrer had on 11 March. The Federal Diet [Bundestag] took place and Schuschnigg said again and again "very good for Austria". I was with Reintahler as a representative of the people in the visitor's gallery of the Bundestag. That was the first time I saw Schuschnigg really well, previous
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I only saw him fleetingly in a theater box. I saw how unnatural this man was in his behaviour and his speeches. I saw the big propaganda circus of Zernatto. Our political outposts, Seyss and Glaise, were very much perturbed about this conduct of Schuschnigg showing complete lack of understanding while we three people from Carinthia rubbed our hands. Who will make the first mistake? We lay in wait; the one that makes the first mistake will be at a disadvantage; Schuschnigg made this mistake. He saw that the development continued without a stop and nothing seemed to disturb the road of evolutionary "Anschluss" with the Reich. It will take months. He could participate in this development by letting himself be carried by it. He would have been ousted honorably, but Schuschnigg returns to his old German-baiting attitude. He ties up with the Reds. We received news that he begins to negotiate with this group of the mayor of Vienna Smitz, that Smitz negotiates with Seitz and with Communistic leaders, that certain fighting organizations are secretly formed and that they are tolerated by Smitz, the mayor of Vienna. We received news that a federal councilman [Bundesrat] proposes a plebiscite to Schuschnigg. At 9 in the morning of Wednesday, 9 March, Globus and I were riding in a loaned car— which was our pride—from the illegal shack [Bude] in Vienna to the Seitzer street where the office of the demographic expert was located. Klausner and Jury waited for us at the door. Klausner said that Jury had interesting news; Schuschnigg intended to hold a plebiscite on the following Sunday. Klausner said that was no nonsense; it was a fact. We drove to Seitz at Hof 8 and sat down there, Klausner, Jury, Globus, and myself, [page 12]
Under a pretext Schuschnigg decided with his intimate advisers that this plebiscite shall take place Sund'ay. The regulations which I remember were such that the whole voting was a fraud. The rules were laid down. Only a few intimates were familiarized, Zernatto, Smitz, the whole left wing of the Christian Social party. The rules were dictated by Zernatto to his secretary. It was resolved to keep this intention secret till the evening of next day. Schuschnigg went to Innsbruck and was to announce the decision from there. Zernatto said: "It is Wednesday when the Nazis hear about it. Their actions can start at the latest on Thursday; they can begin with their propaganda on Friday. We gain an advantage of two days and with this advantage we can carry out the plebiscite with a small majority."
The secretary of Zernatto became ill, she had to go out. In reality she was a National Socialist and once outside she took a
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piece of paper in great haste and wrote on it what she knew and sent this slip to us by the surest method. At 10:30 we knew the whole plan. Early in the morning Seyss was taken to Zer-natto. Zernatto had asked him in the name of the Bunderkanzler to give his word of honor not to speak about what he had heard. Seyss gave his word of honor. Whereupon Seyss phoned to Jury, that something was going on, he could not speak about it, but we should come to a conference. We asked Seyss: "Is it true * * *?" Seyss said: "I am bound not to speak by my word of honor, but we want to act as if it is true" (diplomat that he was). The matter was clear for us. We had a short conference. All of us were of the opinion that this was the treachery of Schuschnigg, the treachery of the agreement of Berchtesgaden. How we should react at the moment, we did not know at this moment. We had to conduct ourselves according to the Fuehrer.
We contemplated "No" votes * * * We could only do it if the Fuehrer agreed. To vote "Yes" is out of question; that could not be expected of the Party. It is only possible if the Fuehrer gives the order. It was necessary to get in touch with the Fuehrer at once on the issue of the slogan "not to vote."
Seyss and I wrote a letter which I typed myself and which was sent to Zernatto on the same forenoon. In this letter we stated that Minister Seyss-Inquart who according to the agreement of Berchtesgaden was made a trustee of a treaty between between Germany and Austria has been informed about the plebiscite. That on account of this plebiscite this agreement has been broken by Austria alone. I laid great stress about this version, and stated it was necessary for us to give the Fuehrer an opportunity to intervene. At that time the execution of the whole action was important. Direction Paris, London, always the world war was in mind. The Fuehrer had to get the possibility for German intervention on the basis of the broken treaty. We also wrote about breaking the assurances to the National Socialists. This letter went to Zernatto and a copy to Globus. The latter flew from Vienna to Berlin at about 12 o'clock. I telephoned with Kepler and told him an extraordinary important message is on the way which has to go at once to the Reich Chancellery. Globus reached the Fuehrer in a few minutes. The Fuehrer said that the lettter is a political masterpiece. "You remain here, you get a good meal and wait for the next move." Globus said, "I have to return at once". The Fuehrer said: "You will hear more."
In the meantime we took the first measure in Vienna, till we
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received the answer of the Fuehrer as we had to gain time. Papen had been recalled as ambassador, but had returned to Vienna. We drove to Papen in the German embassy and we had a long discussion. That turned around the question: "What will happen". Various ideas were expressed. We have to demand from Schuschnigg that he declare the Anschluss paragraph of the treaty of St. Germain invalid, then the party could vote "Yes". Then "the party can only vote yes, because it will become illegal otherwise." The situation was getting darker and more unpleasant all the time. Klausner and I sat around and we thought that there was not much to do. In the meantime the radio had begun and Schuschnigg made the speech. "Mander, it is time". The whole circus was on the loose. I then said—when we said goodbye without settling anything and without a solution—when Klausner and I went home: "It is out now, the whole thing will break loose in Austria. The party has to issue a slogan."
[Page 13]
I then dictated to Mohrenschild—who had remained in service m a private apartment—a directive, which during the night went out to all Gau districts in the usual way. The Party's standpoint toward Schuschnigg's proclamation is: the whole is a violation of the agreement in an internal and external political sense. The party cannot recognize this swindle. The Fuehrer will determine what is to be done. Complete abstention from voting and the orders for Sunday will follow. That was the first order.
The propaganda circus [Propagandazirkus] of Zernatto started on Thursday, 10 March. I was with his co-workers at that time. Klasner had conversations with Seyss, Jury, and other personalities. There was much activity in the streets, trucks came, airplanes dropped leaflets, and people congregated everywhere. I had a report of the former red community police, 3,000 were uniformed and armed. We still did not know what was going on. Globus has not returned. He was still in Berlin in the Reich Chancellory, anticipating events. He told everyone: "I must get back, they are waiting for me."
In the night from Thursday to Friday all Gauleiters were in Vienna waiting for information. National Socialists were attacked and so on 10 March we issued orders to the SA and SS, Lukesch and Kaltenbrunner, on our own initiative to call out beginning Friday half of our formations for the protection of National Socialists in the streets, whereas the best men were to remain armed in their barracks in the event of a civil war. We had
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to be ready to deal not only with the executive authorities but also with the red mob.
In the evening at 7 p. m. I received a report that a National Socialist had been knifed. He was dead or wounded. I gave orders to party member Lukesch to deploy closed SA formations in Vienna. Such a closed SA formation, not yet uniformed and without swastika armbands marched in ranks over the "Guertel," the mob raged but no one dared touch them. I telephoned to Berlin and described the situation in the worst light: civil war!
Conferences took place. Next day the total decline of the voting became evident. We were at the airport too, Seyss and Glaise arrived. They had been visiting Buerckel in the Saarpfalz. The Fuehrer had retained Glaise in Berlin. I held conversations with Seyss. We could not agree yet. The Embassy told us shipping was still open—Seyss is to discontinue negotiations. Opinions clashed. On the 11 March, after receiving the letter the Fuehrer had a short conference with officers of the Wehrmacht and ordered strategic concentration of troops. He sought to obtain the liberation of Austria by force of arms. We knew nothing about it, not even Globus. Globus returned, was sent back to Vienna Thursday evening by special airplane. Goering was against it, since the plane, having to cross Czechoslovakian territory, was in danger of being shot down by Czech fighters.
The Fuehrer gave the Party in Austria full liberty of action. He will not let us down. That was all we knew. That is what Globus told us when we went to meet him at the airport. We went to the hotel, where all Gauleiters of Austria were assembled, and were given information about the Fuehrer's message. I was determined to act accordingly in matters of Klausner. It became necessary to briefly consider all possibilities and to adjust the Party accordingly. I explained in the next 3 days, there are 3 possibilities:
1.' That the people's vote is vetoed, is designated as number 1, which should be known to all Gauleiters by at least 2 o'clock in the afternoon. This means: great victory for the party, display of flags.
2. Schuschnigg could not withstand this loss of prestige and resigns. Result: National Socialistic Government.
3. Schuschnigg has rejected demands of the Reich and of the Party. Result : civil war. In this case every Gauleiter and leader of formations has to act and force the seizure of power. Fortified with this information the Gauleiters left with their cars about 1 or 2 o'clock for their respective garrisons. Next day
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Glaise arrived. He brought information from the Fuehrer. Glaise with Seyss together went to Schuschnigg and demanded the fixing of a constitutional vote within a period of 6 weeks according to the constitution of the 1 May. Schuschnigg declined. The two ministers retreated to the office of direction of state affairs. '
[Page 14]
We were all together there, Klausner, Jury, Muehlmann, Globus, and myself. The two ministers told us everything. I knew that the Fuehrer only waited for a cue from us. We retired together with Klausner, Jury and Globus, and Klausner declared: On my authority as the leader of the Austrian National Socialists I order you to issue a written ultimatum to the Schuschnigg Government. In the event of nonacceptance of the ultimatum they will have to tender their resignation by 2 o'clock in the afternoon. The text of this ultimatum, again composed by myself and Seyss, was written by me and sent to the Bundeskanzler. Upon its receipt he called together his ministers for 2 o'clock.
It was therefore not possible to enforce the time-limit of 14 o'clock. Thereupon we stated the following: if a satisfactory answer is not forthcoming until 3 o'clock at a certain telephone number, the Party will proceed to seize power. The Party will assume that Schuschnigg declined the ultimatum and that both ministers were imprisoned. In this case a proclamation already prepared for such an event and ready in the print-shops of the Party was to be issued to the population. Thus individual actions for seizure of power will be initiated.
As the loss of Party leadership would have spelled unpredictable results, Klausner and Jury had to betake themselves to a battle-station near Vienna. SA and SS have moved into camouflaged quarters. Klausner transferred to Globus and myself the further execution of political action. We took the last political documents in safekeeping. Meanwhile, it was 2:30 o'clock. I parted from Globus and went to the telephone where I was to receive Seyss call. The phone rang at 2:45. The Bundeskanzler had agreed to one half of our demand. The people were to vote on it. He declined however, to carry out the constitutional vote. Afterwards he declared a state of emergency: curfew for the population, mobilization of the Army Bundesheer and of the police. I requested Seyss to continue negotiating and I faced a difficult decision. What should I tell the Gauleiters? Since 14 o'clock they are waiting for announcement of case 1, case 2 or case 3. Was there no possibility to issue other directives? I
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could not wait for a directive from Berlin. It was important to me in this critical moment, to fill the party with confidence and bring them out on the streets. I passed on case 1.
At the same time the result was telephoned by the Embassy in Vienna to the Reichs Chancery. Shortly afterwards Goering was on the phone and demanded to speak to his brother-in-law Hueber. I listened to the conversation. Goering said that in the Fuehrer's name a partial solution of the problem could not be accepted. ' The Fuehrer had given Schuschnigg all possible chances. Schuschnigg did not react. Now, one had to speak in a different tone. The shame of fraternal war would have to cease. Schuschnigg has only time until 5 o'clock or he must resign. A government under Seyss must be formed or else we march. This report had to be forwarded to Seyss who was negotiating in the office of the Bundeskanzler. Globus went there. I changed my position and went to another telephone in the inner city. A short time later I was called by Globus. It was no longer necessary to submit to Seyss the contents of the telephone message. It was already presented to Schuschnigg in the form of a stenogram, as all conversations in the Embassy were being listened in. There was a conference between the two. In this conference, Schuschnigg resigned at 3:30 o'clock. Globus was looking for me. Seyss requested an order from me. I explained it was important to legalize the formations as quickly as possible. Seyss would have to continue negotiating. SA and SS would have to report to the police as security organs. That was done. Shortly afterward Globus appears with his car and says to me: "Things are terrible in the office of the Bundeskanzler. Miklas declines to accept Schuschnigg's resignation."
We returned to the German Embassy and Globus now telephoned Goering and told him what he had ascertained in the office of the Bundeskanzler. Goering asks for time until 7 o'clock. At the same time the German military attache was ordered to make the strength of German troop concentrations known to Bundes President Miklas. We realize that we have to accomplish everything in this hour, for the situation in Vienna could no longer be held in check. We should have had to fight the Black-Red mob that very night. We deliberated and decided to go personally to the office of the Bundeskanzler. Globus and myself and Muehlmann as our courier went to the office of the Bundeskanzler.
[Page 15]
On the second floor in the hall of columns was Glaise and Seyss.
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I asked how things were, and Glaise said nothing more could be done. Miklas refused, and negotiations had been broken off. Seyss was finished. I recognized that too. He said he had to rest, go home for a short time. While we were talking, Zernatto came out of Schuschnigg's room. Twice I had had discussions with Zernatto and knew him. Recognizing this difficult situation, I told him my mind, that he was responsible for the civil war, the party could not go back. I held him responsible for the disaster. Zernatto was all in and said he did not know what he could do. He left the house. As I learned later, especially from his book, Zernatto had come to the following opinion: he writes: "When Globotschnig and Rainer had entered the chancellery, we knew that National Socialism could not be held back any more." Actually he drove home, informed Stockinger, put travel money in his pocket, took along the widow of Dollfuss and left by way of Pressburg as the first refugee. Globus and I wanted to talk with Miklas, but he would not receive any National Socialist. The Foreign Minister came and I said that he must see to it that the cabinet with Seyss was reorganized. He went to Schuschnigg and soon after Kepler came by special plane from Berlin with the order to urge on the formation of the Seyss government. Kepler came and I well remember how he came up and said: "Well, how do things stand with the Seyss-Inquart government?" "We are not yet that far." And then Kepler * * * is appointed Foreign Minister, Rheinthaler is going to be this, Goering has these desires * * *" Globus and I were already in a silent rage "We are not yet that far." He then went to Miklas and stated to him the German strategic concentration [Aufmarsch]. Smitz was also in there and Kepler would not permit talk of interference. He shouted at Smitz with the result that Smitz without one word went out through the door and already surrendered inwardly. He had nothing more wherewith to stem the coming flood.
In the meantime the situation was this: more and more people in the streets. We knew, that in the meantime in all the cities and villages of Austria torch processions, the demonstrations were getting under way. In Vienna also the streets were full. Many swastika armbands could be seen. The taking over of power was in full sway in the streets. It was 7 o'clock. At 7 o'clock it was so far, that, after a last attempt to negotiate with Miklas, he declared that he could not appoint a National Socialist as "Bundeskanzler". "God help me!" The situation in the chancellery [Bundeskanzleramt] had now become critical. Guards and
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police were occupying it. We were a very small group of illegal Nazis, really only Globus and I, a few more people of the field in between, Seyss, Glaise and Muehlmann, Kepler with Kaesemeier. At 7:30 o'clock I said, now the German Armed Forces are marching. Kepler said, the German Armed Forces are not at all marching. Yes, the ultimatum has expired. No, said Kepler, it is not so far. We must create a pretext for the Fuehrer to march in. We must take action of some sort. I said: We must use the moment, when the government believes that the march is on for action and I said, I will give the order for the "Machtueber-nahme".
Kepler said, "you can not do that." I said, "Klausner will give me his consent. You are not the authority, you have nothing to command." Globus had to remain behind. I and Kaesemeier drove away. Globus had seized the telephone and constantly used the phone of the chancellery and kept up the connection with [Page 16]
our party offices on the outside. In the meantime Seyss had arrived and Glaise and they steadily continued their discussions under the pressure of the German marching in "Einmarsch". At our billets we found the leaders of the party-formations in highest tension. We occupied our command post in the center of the city. Klausner and Jury arrived there also. He had left the place of safety, which he as General "Feldherr" must occupy and at this moment everything depended on Klausner. I described the situation to him and asked him for the order to strike the first blow. He gave it. I laid the order before the district leadership [Gauleitung] and with unheard of clearness and calmness gave it through by Mohrenschild over the telephone:
"1. Order: In the face of Schuschnigg's resignation and in the absence of a legal government, the leader of the National Socialists, to maintain order and safety, has given the order to Klausner, to Minister Seyss-Inquart to carry out the government, and in agreement with Seyss-Inquart issued the order to seize the power to all party-formations."
This first order was given out at 8 o'clock in the evening. In the meanwhile only one district had gone ahead and seized power —Carinthia. Sucher at that time had only requested of Paw-lowski, whether he could later be judge again. He also requested, to be allowed to phone to Vienna next day, to get Schuschnigg's confirmation. In Vienna also the actions were started. The SS and SA deployment [Einsaetze] were discusssed with Lukesch and Kaltenbrunner. In the Bundes-Chancellery we could make
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headway only if we got it into our hands. In this whole action we always kept the 25 July in mind so as to avoid certain mistakes and accidents which we at that time had had. I asked Lukesch: how many men can you mobilize? "6,000 men can march within half an hour." Kaltenbrunner could organize 500 SS men. These were to march to the Bundes-Chancellery. The resistance of the guards was to be overcome by fraternization. They have to take the Bundes-Chancellery. 50 SS-men, many of them men of the 25 July, received, under the leadership of Rinner the order, to occupy the building. Further orders to
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take over the Vaterlaendische Front, industrial enterprises, electric power plant, State offices, town-hall. Colonel Angelis, then liaison-man between the party and the Armed Forces, received orders to take the Ministry of the Army. In the course of the seizure of power it was funny: We called out the Hitler-Youth with the order, to create the mood for fraternization in the streets. Schoas who led the HJ, later told that he had given the order to carry fraternization to the extent that girls could throw their arms around a policemah's neck. The whole inner city then was full of people and in all the other Bundeslaender it was exactly the same. The demonstrations of joy mounted. In the meantime was the last address of Schuschnigg, which ended with the song "Roses from Tyrol". Then Seyss spoke, for everybody was waiting for the announcement of the new government. It was 8:45 o'clock, that is when Globus called from the office in the Seizergasse. We simply cannot go on.
Klausner, Jury and I and Kaesemeier came, to the Bundes-Chancellery. It was locked. We knocked, a policeman opened. Who is there? By order of Seyss we wanted to enter. Question passed back—then one came, led us through somewhere in the rear and there everybody was armed to. the teeth. In the court were machine-guns. They wanted to prevent a new surprise attack like the one on 25 July. We were taken upstairs, up there the situation was the same as before. Seyss shrugged his shoulders. There is nothing can be done. I told about it: In the meantime we had started the strategic concentration of 6,000 SA men, etc. Seyss went out to the Bundes-President and reported this to him. In the meantime the reports arrived of the seizure of power. But in the meanwhile all telephone conversations had been directed via Globus.
The Nazis in the Bundes-Chancellery were already organized, the man of the house was Globus, the house was occupied by po-
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licemen, around the house SA and SS, in the house were we, who acted and the Austrian government, who did not act. Act we did. Until 1 o'clock in the night Ludwig and his companion sent calls for help by wireless to Paris. We then put an end to this by placing two strapping SS-men in his room.
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The negotiations continued tenaciously. I was aware that if Mr. Miklas finds out that the Reich does not march, the situation may become critical. As long as he does not know this he will be under the impression: The German avalanche rolls across the border. When this moment arrives we must be able to proclaim a National Socialist government.
I had a typewriter brought, I myself wrote again. I asked whether there was anybody who understands something about forming a government. Riemer came forward. He had worked illegally with us for a long time. I sat down on a couch and the table was so high that I recall it with horror. Seyss sat on one side and on the other side was Keppler, then Klausner and Globus, and the government of Seyss-Inquart was formed. Next to us was a telephone on which Jury was and he had a connection with the Ravag we had occupied, with the instruction to broadcast the news about the provisional change of Government. That had to be done to have a legal government right away. In any case, it would have been proclaimed legal by the Office of the Bundes Chancery.
But we had to wait some time yet. We had established this Government which was the same that was confirmed by Miklas three hours later. In the meantime, I telephoned in the Seizer-gasse and said a torch-light procession must be organized. This began to march. I ordered: The future members of the Government must come! They came.
Then a policeman arrived and said: somebody is downstairs with a swastika armband, he had orders to occupy the Bundes Chancery. It was Riemer with 50 SS men. He was-the first Nazi, in that night, whom I saw in the Bundes Chancery with the swastika armband. Seyss gave the permission that these men had to be admitted into the Bundes Chancery. That was enough; Globus brought them upstairs. In the meantime reports came from the provinces. Partly inquiries. Wintersteiger in Salzburg had gone to Mr. Rehrl and demanded assumption of power. Rehrl said that he had to inquire. He asked in the Bundes Chancery: "There is an individual with the name of Wintersteiger and", with reference to an order of the Bundes Chancellor Seyss-Inquart demanded the handing over of the Govern-
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ment authority." Globus was on the other end of the line. He said: "Clear out as fast as possible." Rehrl followed suit, and Wintersteiger took over. It happened the same way in all principal cities. In the meantime, the taking over of power had also been accomplished in Vienna. In the Bundes Chancery we played the National Marches.
In the meantime I drafted together with Klausner the proclamation which was to be published after the announcement of the government, and the further negotiations which were conducted by Seyss. Once the door opened and a strapping guardist arrived with beer and seltzer bottles and ham sandwiches for us. That was the first sign that we had assumed power.
But we were not yet through. At last, it was already around 12 o'clock. Miklas, under the pressure of the already accomplished seizure of power by the NSDAP in the whole of Austria, acknowledged the resignation of Schuschnigg, but did not yet appoint Seyss as Bundes-Chancellor, but has asked him to continue with the business of the Bundes Government. Seyss informed us of this. It was possible according to article 84, etc., of the Constitution. We read what this meant. This was a Government which required for each of its acts the counter-signature of the Bundes-President. Nothing could be. done with such a Government. We had, however, to be satisfied. Therefore we have formed a second Government in accordance with article 84 of the Bundes-Constitution. Legal difficulties arose. Seyss therefore had to negotiate further. In the meantime, Himmler had phoned from Munich: whether we were not finished soon; he wanted to fly over already. We said he would have to wait yet. Klausner made a speech to the torchlight procession that was standing in front of the Bundes Chancellory. The members of the Government, Klausner, and Seyss stepped out on the balcony. I was in the midst of conferences and of issuing instructions. Globus arrived: "Friedel, you also must step onto the balcony!" I had to go. I said I had no time, and went back.
We continued working, and then—it was already after midnight—came Seyss and said: "I was appointed Bundes Chancellor. I must submit a list of the members of the Government." We wrote, therefore, the third list of the Seyss-Inquart Government. Miklas did not appoint Klausner and Kaltenbrunner and refused to take them into the Government. We telephoned to Himmler that he could start. I said it does not make any difference what Miklas did, we need the signature. Thus the signature was obtained. Globus said: "We must go to the airport,
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Himmler is coming." Seyss was tired, he drove home. Klausner was the leader of the party, and we drove to the airport. Hereby the following incident occurred. When we entered the car in the courtyard of the Bundes Chancellor, Skubl, who had to report to Himmler, was still in it. Outside the whole street was crowded with National Socialists. They noticed the departure of cars. First there was the car with Klausner, one with Kaltenbrunner, then a car with us. Suddenly I became very frightened. Skubl was sitting in here, nobody knows me and Globus, but everybody knows Skubl. When they see Skubl, anything can happen, we might even be killed by our own people. Skubl, however, crouched low in the car. In that way we arrived at the airport, and there we sat around. Excitement which nobody ever forgets who has-experienced it. The SA from Aspern had already taken up position in civilian attire; they looked terrible. Skubl was so fatigued that he lay down in an office. We sat in the restaurant. Kaesemeier brought a ring of Cervelade-sausage. That was the first food I had, as I had not eaten the ham sandwiches in the Bundes^Chancellery because I had no time. Then it was said: "He comes, Himmler." Skubl was awakened in the last moment. SA men stood in the lobby of the airport, and the men of the Leader and of the Reichsfuehrer assembled outside. Then SS leaders stepped down from the airplane at whom we stared; men with machine-pistols formed a circle around the airplane, ready to fire.
They had no idea how it was. But Himmler saw immediately what was going on. We made a report, then we went into the airport. Klausner drove to town with Himmler to the Hotel Astoria where the quarters were. Globus said to me: there are a few more SS men who can ride with you. Then we ourselves had no car left. Globus and I were all alone. How could we get to town? There was no streetcar anymore. Globus began to telephone, at six o'clock he luckily caught a taxi. We got into it and drove to our quarters, slept an hour, and in the morning we both drove to our office. Hereby I saw: in the streets people with the swastika armbands, happy, the broken standards of the Vaterlaendischen Front. Newspapers were sold. I bought a paper where I read the results from the Bundes Capitals. I then realized what had happened there. The entire previous day we had been so engrossed in our fight and kept a clear head. We had to wait and operate coldly.
I therefore could only occupy myself with this task. I could not comprehend the greatness of the time. All that for which
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we fought for years, that we accomplished all this, that the fight was over, that was so incomprehensible. I had literally read the result the next day in the papers, and I had to take pins, to grit my teeth to control my emotion. Thus also ended the struggle of the Party. .
The Fuehrer arrived on the same day. Klausner was ordered to report to the Fuehrer in Linz. We received from Klausner the order to follow him in an airplane. We flew to Linz with an airforce squadron and could report to the Fuehrer, receive his handshake, returned then to Vienna and were present when the Fuehrer on the second day, coming from St. Poelten, arrived in Vienna and made the most important announcement in German history.
Thus ended the struggle of the party for the power in Austria.