Q There is a possibility since Block 46 had two floors, and I could not possibly see every visitor that came along.
Q Now, witness, would you say then tint Dr. Hoven, or, would you assume that Dr. Hoven in his capacity as Deputy to Dr. Ding, visited the section where experiments were being conducted in Block 46 frequently, tint is, the times which you personally did not see him?
A It is possible that he visited this department on frequent occasions. However, most of his visits were intended for Wing C, where the tailor shop and the work shop were located.
Q Now, do you know in your limited capacity in the Block 46 what the specific duties of Dr. Hoven consisted of in that connection? In other words, witness, what weight did you give to Dr. Hoven whenever he issued an order, and what respect was given to him by Dietsch, or did Dietsch. Make his report to Hoven on his experiments that were conducted in the absence of Dr. Ding?
A Whether Dietsch reported to Dr. Hoven, well, this is something that is possible. However, we could see from the chart and the diagram which Dietsch had in his possession how the experiments were progressing.
Q Then would you say in the absence of Dr. Ding that Dr. Hoven was considered the commanding officer of Block 46?
A Yes.
Q Now, witness, did Dr. Hoven over try to prevent in any way the sabotage of those typhus experiments?
A I cannot say as to that since during my work I was only confronted with facts on everything that had already been decided.
Q In your knowledge then the defendant Hoven never initiated any action to prevent or to sabotage the typhus experiments in Block 46?
AAccording to my knowledge, no.
Q Now, witness, the defense counsel for the defendant Hoven is trying to present a picture of Hoven as a Sir Galahad in Buchenwald, saving and doing good for political prisoners, and doing no wrong. Is that a correct picture?
AAmong the inmates he had a good reputation.
Q Now tell me, witness, your personal view of the defendant Hoven in his activities in the Buchenwald Concentration Camp. Did you consider him, as I have said before, a Sir Galahad or do you consider him an inferior person or did you consider him a man scheming for his own gain? What was your personal opinion, witness?
AAccording to my opinion the main active of his work to us and the main motive of saving us was based on reasons of corruption.
MR HARDY: I lave no further questions, Your honor.
DR. GAWLIK: Mr. President, I shall ask you to permit me to put a few more questions as to the other aspects which have cue up on has re-direct examination.
THE PRESIDENT: THE defense counsel will re-cross examine the witness.
RE-CROSS EXAMINATION BY DR. GAWLIK:
Q Witness, were you at any time present when the defendant Hoven issued any orders to Capo Dietsch at the beginning of the typhus experiments?
A Yes.
Q You, therefore, do not know whether the defendant Hoven ever issued any such orders to Dietsch?
A No.
Q The Prosecutor put the question to you whether the defendant Hoven over tried to prevent the execution of the typhus experiments?
A Yes.
Q In this connection I should like to put to you the testimony of the witness who proceeded you, a Dr. Kogon. This witness testified that all the typhus experiments started, or rather were started by Dr. Ding?
A Yes, Dr. Ding was the chief. Yes, that is correct.
Q. Therefore, did the defendant Hoven, after these experiments had started; in other words, after the experimental subjects were already infected, did he have any possibility to prevent the experiments?
A. No.
Q. Then a question was put to you, witness, whether Dietzsch sent any reports to the defendant Hoven.
A. Yes.
Q. Did you ever hear that Dietzsch made such reports?
A. It was in the manner of Dietzsch to report regularly to his chiefs.
Q. Then you have to differentiate the following: there were purely administrative matters in Block 46.
A. Yes. These administrative matters were of very, very slight significance. Everything was running very, very smoothly, so there was nothing to be discussed with reference to administrative matters.
Q. If as you said, witness, everything was running so smoothly, then a deputy or a representative had to make no suggestions at all?
A. I was merely speaking of administrative matters.
Q. Thank you. I have no further questions.
MR. HARDY: The prosecution has no further questions to put to this witness, your Honor.
THE PRESIDENT: The prosecution will proceed. The witness is excused.
MR. MC HANEY: If the Tribunal please, we have several more documents to put in with respect to the typhus experiments at Buchenwald; one of which is NO-484 on page 59 of the English Document Book, and this will be Prosecution Exhibit 291. This is a statement sworn to by Alfred Balachowski.
DR. NELTE: Dr. Nelte, counsel for the defendant Handloser. The document which the prosecutor just mentioned in our Document Book bears the number 484; the translation said before 485.
Mr. President, I ask that this statement be only admitted under the condition that Mr. Balachowski be called here as a witness and he subject to cross-examination. The very extensive statement of Dr. Balachowski is based, according to his own words, to a large part, on reports of the third party.
The manner in which the witness makes the statement does not show how far his statements are based on his own knowledge and his own observation, and how far this was not the case. The High Tribunal, in their ruling of the 21st of December 1946 and which was also confirmed today, has stated exactly how the submission of affidavits was to be carried out. According to this ruling, the preamble of the affidavit should have the wording: "I hereby establish the following facts under oath which are known to me from my own knowledge." I may assume that this ruling applies to affidavits which are being submitted by the prosecution as well as to affidavits submitted by the defense. The statement of Dr. Balachowski is obviously not in compliance with this rule. I, therefore believe that in order to establish the objective truth, it is necessary to examine this witness personally; at any rate, to give the defense the possibility to cross-examine that witness.
MR. MC HANEY: If it pleases the Tribunal, I am not aware of anyruling of the Tribunal with respect to the precise wording of the preamble except as concerns statements made by witnesses for the defense--statements not under oath. The only point which I think worthy of discussion raised by Dr. Nelte is the question whether or not Balachowski should be brought to Nurnberg and subjected to cross-examination, if this document is admitted. We have received very extensive and prolonged testimony from the Witness Kogon and he was subjected to a rather intensive cross-examination. I think that there are very few new matters in this affidavit, that in, natters which were not covered by the witness Kogon. But we are interested in putting in this affidavit; first, because it corroborates what the witness testified to here, and as a matter of fact, Kogon mentioned the name of Balachowski as being on of the people who worked with him in Block 50; and also, I think it adds to the weight of the prosecution's case.
It's quite true, and revealed on the face of this affidavit, that Balachowski is not making all of the statements herein from personal knowledge; that is to say, he did not see all these things any more than the witness Kogon saw them.
That, of course, does not mitigate the admittance of this document. We, therefore, submit that it should be admitted at this time, and I think it would be rather difficult and unfortunate to have to call Balachowski from Paris to Nurnberg. Of course it can be done, but I don't think it can be done before the prosecution plans to rest its case; so if the Tribunal rules that it's necessary to bring him here as condition to the admissibility of this affidavit, it would have to be done at a time following next Wednesday or Thursday when the prosecution expects to complete its case in chief.
THE PRESIDENT: We will now take a recess.
(A recess was taken.)
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal is of the opinion that the Prosecution Identification 291 having been made and stated by the witness under oath, should be admitted in evidence.
The defendants, of course, may by argument attack its probative value, and if the defendants desire, as part of their cross examination, to propound interrogatories to Alfred Balachowsky, the witness, to be answered by him before a Commissioner to be named by the Tribunal. The Tribunal would give serious consideration to any such application, with the understanding that the answer to the interrogatories made by the witness should be considered as defendants' cross examination of the witness when they are received.
The offered affidavit will be admitted in evidence.
MR. MC HANEY: Prosecution Exhibit 291 reads as follows:
"Statement Concerning Experiments and Research about Exanthematous Typhus at Buchenwald Camp, made by Alfred Balachowsky, Doctor of Science, laboratory chief at the Paris Pasteur Institute, arrested 2 July 1943 by the Gestapo as section chief of the Underground Net Buckmaster-Prosper (F.F.C.) and charged with parachuting and stocking of arms, establishment and transportation of secret radio stations, assistance to enemy agents and to airmen who landed on French soil.
"Held in custody at the German prison Fresnes until 30 November 1943, transferred to Compiegne camp, held there until 16 January 1944.
"Deported on 16 January 1944 to Buchenwald camp (serial number 40449), sent on 10 February 1944 to the Dora tunnel. Brought back to Buchenwald on 1 May 1944 in order to work in block 50 (Hygiene-Institut der Waffen-SS), on the production of the vaccine against exanthematous typhus for the German army.
"Liberated at Buchenwald camp on 11 April 1945 at 1600 hours by the U.S. Army (Patton). Repatriated to France on 24 April 1945.
"1. Functioning of block 50 and 46; Block 50, to which I was assigned during one year, was in charge of SS Sturmbannfuehrer Erwin Din von Schuler;
this officer, who subsequently has committed suicide in his cell, was chief of block 46, where all the prisoners of the camp, who had been chosen as 'subjects' for various so-called 'scientific' experiments, were living.
"Relations between both blocks, 50 and 46, were continuous, as the secretariat (Geschaeftszimmer) was shared by both and was held by the Austrian political internee Eugene Kogon (serial number 9093), now living at Hohenmarkstrasse 123, Oberursel-Taunus, near Frankfurt a.M. Owing to the prominent position held by him at block 50, Kogon has been able to collect a considerable number of data and documents, which he has saved nearly entirely and which he has turned over, at the time of his liberation, to the U.S. Army Psychological Service (Lt. Rosenberg).
"2. I have been personally informed of the experiments which took place in block 46 by:
"1) information given to me personally by Eugene Kogon, through whom all reports were being transmitted, "2) by information given by Hans Baumeister, assistant secretary of block 50, German political internee (serial number 1345), who typed all SS reports, "3) by the designer Wilhelm Jentsch, a German political internee (serial number 5754), who made up all graphs which accompanied the reports of experiments, "4) by the analysis slips which were sent to the bacteriological laboratory directed by Professor Ludwig Fleck, of Lwow, a Polish-Jewish political internee (serial number 4934). All sick and typhus-infected people were submitted to the Weil-Felix test, carried out by my comrade, Doctor Rene Morat, French political internee (serial number 42,499)."3. The documents which give much more detailed information and which are in possession of Eugene Kogon, who succeeded, in particular, in getting hold of the diary of the experiments which were of value to the German national defense.
"4. The following personalities are members of the Superior Committee of this 'Section':"Dr. Handloser, Inspector-General of the Wehrmacht Medical Service.
"Dr. Conti, SS-Oberstgruppenfuehrer, (Obergruppenfuehrer).
"Dr. Poppendick, SS-Gruppenfuehrer "Dr. Gaenzken, SS-Gruppenfuehrer.
"5. The entire section was placed under the protectorate of Himmler himself, who accorded personally all facilities for the carrying out of the research, which, by the way, interested him very much.
All decisions were made under the cover of his undisputed and overwhelming authority.
"6. Initiatives referring to any experiment had to be reported to the V.S. No. 5 in Leipzig, which subsequently arranged for their execution, ont only in block 46 of Buchenwald camp, but also in similar blocks which existed in other camps (Belsen, Struthoff, Auschwitz, Dachau, etc.). An Inspector was specially assigned to the supervising of all this work. It was SS-Oberfuehrer Mrugowsky, a tall Prussian, whom I saw several times at the camp last on 20 March 1945, when he just had inspected the extermination block No. 61.
"7. Another personality who was interested in those experiments but did not participate officially therein was the Erbprinz zu Waldeck and Pyremont, SS-Obergruppenfuehrer, General of the Waffen-SS, Polizeifuehrer for Hesse and Thuringia, residing at Kassel. He visited block 46 several times.
"8. In Buchenwald camp itself, the director of the experiments ordered by the V. S. No. 5 of Leipzig was SS-Sturmbannfuehrer Ding von Schuler. Only in quite exceptional cases did he take any personal initiative and he did not carry out the orders which he received. After every series of experiments, he had to hand in a detailed report, which was typed at block 50 by E. Kogon or Hans Baumeister, and to which graphs or photostats were attached. The photographic work was done at block 50 by the Dutch internee Johannes Robert (serial number 3103), now residing at Amsterdam, Scheldestraat 88, as well as by another Dutch, a friend of his, who worked as Schreiber (clerk) at block 46.
"9. If the scientific direction of block 46 was in charge of the SSSturmbannfuehrer von Schler-Ding, all the practical execution of the experiments was entrusted to the Kapo of block 46, the German political internee Arthur Dietzsch, residing at present at Detmold (Lippe-Detmold, British Zone). When he left the camp, he married a prostitute of the Buchenwald brothel.
"10. Dietzsch symbolizes the brute in every physical and moral respect, and he has killed with his own hands several thousands of internees of every nationality.
"11. In 1945, he had collected 20 years of prison. Arrested in 1924, at a time when he was a Schupo policeman, he had been sentenced then to 15 years prison (Zuchthaus), for having sold State Police documents to the Communists. Kept in prison by the Hitler regime, he was sent at last to Buchenwald camp, where he was renowned because of his bestiality. He first was 'Einkaeufer' (buyer) at the Revier (hospital) of the camp, where he made the acquaintance of Schuler, who, prior to the war (in 1939), was the SSLagerarzt (chief physician) of the Revier of Buchenwald camp.
"12. Schuler went to the front in September 1939, participated in the battle of France, and was sent in 1941 on a medical mission to the Pasteur Institute in Paris (service of Dr. Giroud), in order to study there the new methods for producing vaccine against exanthematous typhus out of rabbit lungs (so-called Giroud method.).
"13. Having returned to Buchenwald in October 1941, the SS man Schuler takes charge of block 41 (at the time), and is looking for a devoted helper in order to carry out the program required by his new position. He asked for volunteers to assist him, but nobody volunteered. At last, Schuler called directly on Dietzsch, who accepted. This new position at once gave Dietzsch considerable advantages in the camp. The right of life and death of the internees, for he had practically, if not the right, then at least the means to recruit whom he wanted as 'experimental subjects'. Dietzsche was tolerated by the Communist faction of the camp, which had discretionary powers at Buchenwald, as he had the power to eliminate the enemies of the party in the shortest time.
"14. Brutal, stupid, cruel, a sadist and a drunkard, he received as a reward for his object activity considerable material advantages, superior even to those received by the SS themselves; he wielded a discretionary power over the camp; he had absolute authority, and even permitted himself to be rude toward SS non-commissioned officers.
"15. He signed an agreement with the SS who entrusted him with this position, according to which he undertook to execute personally everything which would he asked of him.
"16. This kind of 'agreement' was an exception at the camp and was asked only of a few internees who were completely devoted to the SS and who carried out on their behalf a dirty job. This was also the case for the common criminal (green patch) Kapo of the 'Crematory', who enjoyed an exceptional regime and received a bonus of 200 cubic centimetres of alcohol for every prisoner who was executed in the basement of his building, which had been transformed into an execution chamber. He was a notorious necrophile who had found there a position where he could give way to his horrible vice without any restraint. In the morning of 11 April 1945, he left with the last SS-men and was probably executed on the road by his SS friends.
"17. Among the internees who were well informed about the occurrences at block 46, one should also quote Dr. Marian Ciepielowsky (a Polish political internee, serial number 4347). He was interned there to be put to death with two other fellow countrymen of his, who perished. Ciepielowsky was saved by Schuler, who appointed him as his chief of production of the vaccine, at block 50. He made use of his position to commit sabotage of the production with a very laudable cold-bloodedness and efficiency. On the other hand, he exerted his authority in order to protect as far as possible the internees, to limit the executions, to nullify the experiments, to falsify the results, and always proved himself to be a very jolly comrade.
"18. At Buchenwald, the Experimental Block, established at the beginning in block 41, was transferred to blocks 44, 49, and finally, in November 1942, to block 46. This latter adaptation was final and the block was able to lodge permanently about 300 inmates.
"19. Block 46 was an isolated block, surrounded by barbed wire, with doors and windows which were always closed; the internees never left it and were not submitted to any roll call. When entering block 46, they wore their camp serial member. All of them received another one which was listed on the experiment files. Those who died (nearly all of them) were listed on the camp files.
"20. In general, the internees serving as 'Guinea Pigs', if they survived an experiment, were put to death at it's end by an injection of Prussic acid (1 cubic centimetre, intravenously) or of 10 ccm concentrated Phenol solution (intracardiac).
"21. In December 1944, I have seen that 3 straitjackets were put on the order list of block 46; this was filed at the pharmacy of block 50 by the Luxembourg political internee Victor HOLPER (serial number 8411), now residint 38 Ave, de la Liberte in Luxembourg.
"22. At block 46, grenades and automatic pistols were also at the disposal of DIETZSCH, in order to prevent any internal or external revolt at the block. There were also male nurses, "strong men", well fed, and selected for their bodily strength, in order to muzzle those who did not obey.
"RECRUITMENT OF SUBJECTS FOR BLOCK 46".
"23. The list of the internees which were utilized as Guinea pigs at block 46 was established by the offices of the "Politische Abteilung" and comprised, as a matter of principle, but the "green" ones (criminals). In practice, the list was sent to the Revier (hospital) where the individual convocation took place, through the intermediary of the Kapo BUSSE (chief of the Revier). He was able to modify the list according to his wishes and to substitute another name for anyone listed. In this way, certain political internees died at block 46.
The SS-physician HOVEN, who was in charge of the Revier, played a dark part in the liquidations of block 46. In order to camouflage the experiments, real sick, contagiously sick, and especially typhus cases, were accommodated at block 46.
"EXPERIMENTS CARRIED OUT AT BLOCK 46 CONCERNING EXANTHEMATOUS TYPHUS".
"24. A. Cultures of typhus. The production of anti-typhoid vaccine made use of cultures consisting of infected human blood with which the animals (Guinea pigs, mice, rabbits) were innoculated and whose organs (marrow, lungs) were then collected for production purposes."
It reads "anti-typhoid"; it obviously should read "anti-typhus".
"23. SCHULER established at block 46 a certain number of cultures whose virulence and behavior were variable according to his opinion, and which he called Bu I, Bu II.....Bu XII (Bu - Buchenwald). Thus he could have strong, medium and weak typhus forms, with such and such clinical characteristics. The activity of those stocks could be increased by "passages".
"26. Every determined culture was maintained by "passage", meaning the inoculation of 0.5 to 1 cubic centimetre of infected blood from an individual bearer of culture to a new individual. Generally the virulent blood was tapped 5 to 6 days after the inoculation (which took place through intravenous injection), the second day after the appearance of the exanthema.
"27. Typhus inoculation by intravenous means at the indicated doses always gave to the disease a very serious character, and death invariably occurred between the 10th and the 30th day after the inoculating injection.
"28. For every listed culture (I have been able to note with certainly at least 12 in the files of block 46) two internees at least were sacrified every month at block 46, that means 24 a month and nearly 600 in two years.
"29. The experimental files, copied from block 46 files a few days prior to the liberation of the camp, indicates the number of cultures, the various passages and the course of the experiments.
"EXPERIMENTS CONCERNING THE VALUE OF THE VACCINES."
"30. The German army made use of several vaccines against exanthematous typhus, vaccines of inequal value, and the comparative value of these various vaccines was experimented on.
"31. Besides the vaccine which was produced on a rather large scale (25-30 litres a month) at block 50 by the so-called Giroud method (rabbit lung), the German army also made use of vaccines of Polish (Weigl Institute, of Crocow and Lwow), Italian (chicken embryo), German (Hamburg Tropical Institute), French (Pasteur Institute) Danish (mice lungs) origin.
"32. In may 1944, the V.S. of Leipzig decided to carry out important experiments concerning the comparable value of these various vaccines at the Buchenwald block 46. According to the report typed at block 50, 156 internees were sacrificed in the course of this checking.
"33. These subjects were divided into two lots; the first lot (20 internees) was exclusively used for checking purposes, and the people were inoculated with various typhus cultures without having been vaccinated.
previously. The other lot (136 internees) were vaccinated with the various vaccines mentioned before and at variable doses. 15 days after the last vaccine injection, all subjects were inoculated with typhoid" -- that should be typhus -- "by 1 cubic centimetre of blood in intravenous injections; this blood came out of the culture carriers, under the usual conditions.
"34. From the 10th day on, the test persons began to die, as indicated by the record of the experiment, which I have seen myself, accompanied by an explaining graph. The vaccined subjects held out longer, and this resistance was related with the dose and the nature itself of the vaccines which were used in the experiments.
"35. The Weigl vaccines (obtained by the crushing of lice) were the most efficient and gave to the people subjected to the experiments a real immunity. The few survivors of these experiments were murdered, according to the rule of block 46, by intracardiac injections (10 cubic centimetres) of concentrated solution, given either by the Kapo DIETZSCH or one of the nurses recruited by him.
"36. The report on these experiments, which Hans BAUMEISTER has shown me, has been sent to Leipzig at the end of August or the beginning of September 1944.
"SEROLOGICAL EXPERIMENTS CONCERNING TYPHUS."
"37. It was a strict rule at block 50 not to take any scientific initiative, not to carry out any personal experiment and not to give any suggestion to Schuler, who always asked us for advice in order to improve the vaccine. We knew that the least initiative had as a result the introduction of new experiments, which meant the death of comrades KOGON, CIEPIELOWSKY, and myself insisted as much as we could that those of our blockcomrades who had a scientific responsibility strictly observed these rules which, on the whole, were followed.
"38. However, Dr. Prof. Ludwig FLECK of Lwow, Jewish-Polish political internee, serial number 4934, deliberately mentioned to SCHULER in July 1944 that he believed to have observed modifications in the serological reactions, when a sudden rise of the agglutination percentage in the Weil Felix reaction from 1/400 to 1/800 occurred on the 3rd and 4th days of the disease.
"39. Immediately, SCHULER sent a report to Leipzig asking for experiments and the authorization was given very soon.
"40. On 6 September 1944, 20 new subjects were innoculated at block 46 and serological observations were made from day to day.
"41. The W.F. reaction did not appear to be specific, only 2 subjects of the 20 showed it.
"42. Of the 20 internees which were innoculated on 6 September:
- 4 died on 20 September, - 8 died on 21 September, - 5 died on 22 September, - 2 died between 22 September and 11 October ( - 19 dead).There was only 1 single survivor, who probably has been murdered.
The agglutination percentages have been observed from day to day by my comrade, Dr. Rene MORAT, who gave me all informations on the subject.
$43. TYPHUS CHEMOTHERAPY. Experiments concerning the chemical reaction of certain substances, in order to cure exanthematous typhus, were also made at block 46 of Buchenwald, as shown by a report typed by Eugene KOGON at block 50.
$44. A certain number of these experiments have been made on request of the I.G. Farbenindustrie of Frankfurt am Main, particularly by Prof. LAUTENSCELAEGER, who had ROTENOEL granules, acridine and nitroacridine experimented on internees at block 46. The report mentions a mortality percentage of 53% for the acridine and of 56% for the nitroacridine.
"45. Other substances have been sent for experimental purposes by the BEHRING-Werke of Marburg, and Dr. RUGE of the Hamburg Tropical Institute took a strong interest in this research."
This is dated, Paris, 24 May 1946, and signed by Dr. Alfred BALACHOWSKI.
I would like at this time to introduce a document, NO-859, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 292. If the Tribunal please, this document has been delayed in translation.
It was meant to be inserted on page 20 of the English Document Book. On page 20 you will find the certificate on these documents. They were copied by Professor Robert WEITZ, whose name was mentioned by the witness Kogon, when he testified, as being one of those working in block 50, I believe it was, and he certifies that he copied these fever charts and clinical reports from the originals in Buchenwald.
This exhibit consists of seven fever charts which came from BLOCK 46 in the Buchenwald Concentration Camp, and these show the incidence of sickness of the inmates inolulated with typhus.
On five charts, namely those enumerated "590" "591" "651" "652" and "658", a red cross showed the patient died. For instance, on the -- I will pass the original up to the TRIBUNAL. (Mr. McHeney passes document to the President).
MR. MC HANEY: (continuing) Patient No. "652", is the fever chart on top, and you will see a small red cross at the end of the red fever line on that fever chart.
I don't think it's necessary that I read all of the translation that has been handed up to the TRIBUNAL; as you can see the exhibit consists mostly of fever charts. However, on the back of some of those fever charts, will be found notes written in ink, and those give the progress of the disease.
For example, on the second page of the translation of this document they give a running account of clinical observations. For instance, it reads up on the top:
"exanthem 18 marmoreal like resemblance of both thighs 19th-22nd exudation of the exanthem, lentil sized rosoolos on the 23th exanthem hemmorrhagic eyes 18th heavy conjunctivitis, eyelids swollen.
From 23rd hare's eyes tongue 18th greyish white coating, edges free, point reddened, on 21st epistaxix heart 20th mitro systolic murmur 24th sounds low, pendullum rythm - pulse low, soft, regular spleen 22nd enlarged, palpable, 23rd pressure sensitive liver 22nd " " state of health 16th" -These numbers, "16" and so on, apparently indicate the day following the date of incolulation.
"16th slight headaches, soreness of limbs, sweats, "19th heavy headaches, aching back 21st giddiness, 22nd fainting speels, delirious during the night.
24th facial tick around the mouth and lower jaw at night; difficult breathing."
I think that is a sufficient reading of this document. The rest of this translation, consists of substantially the same sort of depcriptive material; that is, clinical observations on persons who underwent the experiments in BLOCK 46 in Buchenwald.
At this time, the Prosecution would like to have the witness Edith SCHMIDT called to the stand.
THE PRESIDENT: The MARSHAL will sommon the witness Edith SCHMIDT.
MR. MC HANEY: If the TRIBUNAL please, this witness is a FRENCH citizen. However, she is from ELSASS, and can testify in GERMAN, so I think that will simplify matters.
EDITH SCHMIDT, a witness took the stand and testified as follows:
BY THE PRESIDENT: The witness will rise and hold up her right hand.
(The witness rose and raised her right hand)
THE PRESIDENT: You swear to speak without hate or fear, to say the truth, all the truth, and only the truth. You have raised your right hand. Now, say "I SO SWEAR".
(The witness repeated the oath and the words: "I SO SWEAR")
THE PRESIDENT: You may sit down.
DIRECT EXAMINATION BY MR. MC HANEY:
Q Witness, your name is Edith SCHMIDT?
A Yes.
Q Your last name is "SCHMIDT"?
A Yes.
Q You were born on August 26, 1899?
A Yes.
Q And you were born in BOULAIS, France.
A Yes. 1364