In addition, I discovered the table salt retention in an otherwise fatal disease against which there was no drug, and through the discovery of this sodium chloride retention the first effective method against this terrible disease was created. In addition I also gave lectures at International Congresses, but that isn't so important.
Q. What organizations of physicians or otherwise did you belong to during your student time or later on?
A. I belonged, of course, to the Prague Association of Physicians. Then, to the Dermatological Society in the Czechoslovakian Republic, and of the Association of X-ray Radiology Specialists in the Czechoslovakian Republic I was also a member. I was especially active in the Society for the Fight against Veneral Disease for I worked for about fifteen years in a dispensary of this Society without being paid. I was only paid for my expenses. In addition, I was the expert for the state for dermatology in Czechoslovakia. Previously, I was active in a sport club. I was a member of Schlaraffia. Schlaraffia was a society which was organized somewhat like Free Masons on a philanthropic basis. In no way did it have a political orientation, but later on, under the Third Reich, it was fought against, especially with us at leasr, but soon that abated.
Q Did you belong to a student fraternity?
A (no response.)
Q Did you participate in the first World War, and what were your experiences?
A On March 15, 1915 I was drafted, and I was with a munitions column. I took part in the campaigns at Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Italy. At the Russian Front I was for a short time in the Stochod area. I there got bengue fever and 5-day fever. Later I got typhus and when I could no longer serve at the front I was assigned to Infantry Regiment 94 in Ketchkemet, where I worked at the hospital for infectious diseases during the next two years and in the surgical division of the field hospital. At the end of the World War I was discharged as First Lieutenant of the Medical Corps.
Q Witness, I asked you before whether you belonged to a student fraternity, and I don't know whether your answer was heard.
A No, I was not a member.
Q Witness, after the First World War Austria was divided and you became a Czechoslovakian subject, is that correct?
A Yes.
Q Did you also serve in the Czechoslovakian Army?
A Yes, I served twice. In 1921 when the Emperor Karl landed in Hungary by surprise by airplane, Czechoslovakia at that time mobilized her Army against Hungary. I was drafted at that time and was Chief Brigade Physician at the front in Czechoslovakia. The conflict was then settled in 1926. I took part in the maneuvers with the 105th Heavy Artillery Regiment in Budweis. The result was that in the Czechoslovakian Army, I became a First Lieutenant in the Medical Corps for the second time because my promotion in Austria was not recognized by the Czechoslovakians.
Q After the occupancy of Czechoslovakia were you also drafted into the German Army?
A In 1939 all former officers of the reserve corps had to re port, and I was first informed that as a politically unreliable person, and because I had served in the Czechoslovakian Army as an officer, and because of my former Jewish wife, I was regarded as being very unworthy.
I did not care about that very much, because I assumed that the Nazi Regime did not want to disregard political opponents. In 1941, I suppose about July, however, I was informed that as I was maintained on the records as First Lieutenant on the Reserve in retirement. In December 1941 I received a second report that I was "Z.V." - available - as First Lieutenant in the Reserve Corps; I was kept on the records and that I was already assigned, that I would be drafted. On the 28 of January 1942 I was drafted. Since the League of Physicians at that time was already so extensive, I assume, therefore, that physicians who were politically suspected were also drafted. I was ordered to Saxony to the Reserve Field Hospital, Oberschlehma, where I was working at a station for skin diseases for half a year, and then for a year and a half I was detailed to the Surgical Division, that was in Ave, and then I was put in charge of a division for venereal disease at the Reserve Field Hospital, Hohenstein-Ernstthal. I want to emphasize here that it was the division field hospital, and not my own hospital, because I discovered two mistakes in the affidavit I gave here. Shortly before the collapse I had to transfer my hospital to a British P.W. Division; these were British T.B. patients; and so at the last moment the field hospital was transferred to Lichtenstein-Vallenberg.
Q Witness, during the war you were promoted from First Lieutenant to Captain; how did you behave as a physician in the German Army; did you endeavor to be especially strict in the exercise of your medical duties or in the exercising of your position as a military superior?
A That would not have suited my character and my attitude at all. I believe that in accordance with my duty I observed the international laws of the Geneva convention. I did not recognize any dif ference between officers and enlisted men, between Germans and P.W.s in any way.
The regulations which had been issued in a somewhat exaggerated form, due to total war, ordered a hasty and rigorous classification of the soldiers at that time; as many as possible were to be classified fit for service. I did not obey this order, so far as I was able to avoid doing so, since the health of the person was more important to me than this order. In spite of the large amount of work I had to do I voluntarily conducted a dispensary for prisoners of War, in which about twice a week I treated about 50 prisoners of war, who were composed of about 20 English, 20 Frenchmen and 10 members of other armies. I treated them for two years. Every time I consulted with 5 British and one French physician. Since these physicians were not specialists for skin diseases and the treatment in this dispensary for P.W.s was about one kilometer away from the field hospital, I was in charge of the treatment which they had to carry out there. I still remember one day the English Lieutenant Colonel in the Medical Corps, Dr. Bell or Dr. Bull, I don't remember exactly, from New Zealand, who towards the end of the War asked me to come to New Zealand after the close of the War.
Q Witness, for me the question is still open, how your promotion from First Lieutenant to Captain came about?
A I told you already that at the end of the World War I was First Lieutenant in the Medical Corps. That was not recognized, and at Czechoslovakia I was again promoted to First Lieutenant in the Medical Corps. Germany did not recognize that, and then I was given my rank back after all, and toward the end of the War I became a Stabsarzt, that is equivalent to a captain in the American Army. I did not get any awards.
Q Witness, you are married for the second time, is that correct?
A Yes.
Q When did you marry for the first time and how was this marriage dissolved?
A In November 1922 I married for the first time. I married a fellow student, Dr. Lilly Weil, who then became an X-ray specialist. Later on differences in character, however, became apparent, so that after 13 years, in July 1935 we were divorced for non-political reasons. I was given the son and my wife was given custody of the daughter. In June 1938 my wife went to Czechoslovakia, first to Pilsen and then to Prague.
Q When did you marry for the second time?
A Eight years after my divorce from the first marriage in September 1943. I married the daughter of a citizen of Komotav. Her maiden name was Trux.
Q From your first marriage, do you have any children?
A Yes, I have a daughter who was born in 1926, her name is Lotte; and a son who v/as born in 1929; his name is Thomas.
Q Did you have any children in your second marriage?
A No.
Q Witness, where are the children from your first marriage?
A They are in England.
Q When did these children go to England?
A They went in June of 1939, when they were ten and thirteen years old, respectively, alone on a Czecho-Slovakia children transport to England.
Q Why were these children sent to England; did you have any special reason for doing so?
A I want to add in regard to my first question that I did not know anything as to what had become of my children for seven years. I did not know if they were still alive because ever correspondence, even by the Red Cross, was forbidden to me by the competent authorities of the Gestapo and the N.S.D.A.P. in Komotau. I attempted to establish contact with the children in an illegal way and then failed. In other words, I could not establish any contact with them.
Q Witness, I repeat my previous question; why were your children sent to England; did you have any reason for that?
A The children were half-Jews of the first degree of mixed blood, they were endangered in Germany or Europe to the extent that they had to emigrate.
Q You could not see that your children could advance in Germany at all; did you?
A Due to the Nurnberg law, the children would not have any opportunity to go to school, to continue their education, to say nothing of the fact that they could not go to universities and they could not also have earned a living. Moreover, the danger became apparent at that time to which Jews and the people of first degree mixed blood were exposed.
Q Witness, in the Czecho-Slovakia state did you belong to a political party?
A No.
Q After the occupation of the Sudetenland did you belong to a party?
A Doctor, I only want to say I always voted democratic; in other words, I gave my vote for men who were democratic men I was a physician, I was busy and I had no time for politics, I had other duties,
Q After the occupation of the Sudetenland, did you belong to a party?
A No, there were no elections after that time. Due to my marriage, my children and my political opinion, I had no cause to join the Nazi party.
Q Witness, after the occupation of the Sudetenland, did your economic status change?
A My economic situation changed for some time and it changed considerably for about one half to about three-quarters of a year. In our city, the structure of the population was changed, because the Jews who composed part of my practice were no longer there. The Czechs had emigrated to the part that still remained to Czecho-Slovakia and they had composed a large part of my practice because I was the only physician that spoke Czech and had a positive attitude toward Czecho-Slovakia. The young people after the Anschluss were called into the new formations, the Army, the Luftwaffe and the Navy, as well as party offices and offices of the state, so that actually most of my patients actually disappeared. Moreover, the boycott against me started at that time, because I was known as a person who thought democratically and had been married to a Jew. After I foresaw a catastrophe, I did not keep any money, but invested everything I earned in agriculture. After about three-fourths of a year I was faced with extraordinary financial difficulties, but finally my reputation as a physician prevailed again and the lack of physicians was acute, also because many physicians were drafted into the new formations.
Due to these matters, my medical practice became so large that I could hardly take care of it. Thus, in about one year after the Anschluss, I was in a very favorable position financially.
Q Witness, in your personal situation after the occupation of the Sudetenland were there any changes?
A Matters which had been of much importance before, for example my political opinion, which I never expressed openly or my former marriage or my children, after the occupation suddenly came into the foreground and were part of judging my personality, for it is known that the racial concern became a main object.
Q What was the attitude of the Party and the other officers in Komotau and the Sudentenland; what was their attitude toward you?
A You have to imagine that quite a different stratum of the population now got to power and it was very sad for me to find out that particularly those people whom I had helped when they were helpless were now extraordinarily active against me. On the very day of the Anschluss of the Sudetenland was painted on my car by an unknown persons a Jewish Star, which was about 30 to 40 centimeters long, the word "Jew" was painted on my car with white paint and I could not remove it anymore.
Immediately after the occupation, I was subjected to severe investigations by the Party, the Gestapo, and the S.D. These lasted for several hours. I also received the confidential information from an agent, who was my patient, that I was in the files of those who had to be politically observed. During the interrogations I was also given certain prohibitions. For instance, the Party prohibited me from corresponding with my former wife and my children and above all from sending them money. A lady in the employ of the Post Office informed me that of course my mail and my telephone was being checked and this could also be noticed in the letters I received.
In the house, in which I had my practice, on the first floor there was a beautiful apartment, in which I had lived before with my wife. I wanted to move into this apartment, but this was made impossible because this apartment was confiscated. The other officers did not want to be left lagging behind and since I had a Czecho-Slovakina housekeeper, the D.A.F. questioned me about her. In my farm, which I had in Czecho-Slovakia, about five kilometers away from the city, I had a Social Democratic couple and a Democratic couple, who worked during the season when there was a lot of work. Both couples had repeatedly been in concentration camps and their political opinions had not prevented me from employing them at all.
Thus, not only the Party, but also the local farmers union interfered in my life. Later, during the war, a Pole was assigned to my farm and since I treated this very intelligent person very well, on the basis of the existing regulations, I was also called to account. It was important that in the first meeting of the Nazi Party I was pointed out publically as the example of a bad person and it was requested that I be told to leave the city. My constant worker, Julius Strauss, immediately informed me the next morning that I would be expelled from the city. The reasons for these persecutions, or these inconveniences, were of course my marriage and the children, a fact that I could not deny. Therefore, I was practically persecuted for racial reasons. My public, of course, did not find out anything about all these things, or at least very little, as I was not allowed to talk about them and a person who knows the conditions of the time knows that one did not speak of such things. One spoke only to people in whom one had absolute confidence.
Another very difficult point was the investigation to my house, because half of it belonged to my wife, who was a full Jew and half, belonged to me. The office which took over Jewish property in Pilsen or in Carlsbad sent an agent to me and it was very difficult first to fight to free the half that belonged to my wife and then my one half, because I wanted to maintain the property of my wife and my children.
At that time, of course, we had to use all kinds of divers ways; thus I started a book, in which I registered the expenses of the half of the house, which belonged to my wife. There I listed amounts of money which my wife did not owe to me, but by means of this book I could show the agent that my wife had debts to me and in this way I proceeded slowly in my way to prevent this confiscation.
Q. Witness, a final question in regard to this chapter, was your admission to practice as a physician not attacked or did you have difficulty in that respect too?
A. First, I was forbidden to practice on insurance patients. This was started by the KVD Aussig, that is the Insurance Association for Germany, "Kassenaertzliche Vereinigung Deutschlands". It was very unpleasant to have my x-ray apparatus confiscated. First the KVD started some negotiations about the sale of the x-ray apparatus with me and since it was quite a new Siemens four-valve apparatus, I absolutely did not want to give it up, but one afternoon I came to my office and with surprise I saw my x-ray apparatus had been put on a truck. Some technicians took away the rest of the connections. They also took parts which did not belong to the x-ray apparatus, films, development lamps and transformers which didn't even belong to me but to my wife. In the place of the price at which I bought it, which was 17,000 reichsmarks, I was paid 7,500 riechsmarks. Later on work with the x-ray apparatus was forbidden to me. It was significant that the personnel chief of the Landrat office, a certain Braefner, denounced me to the Nazi party. The Kreis physicians' leader, sho led this affair against me, allowed me to look at the documents and I still remember today the formulation by which I was deprived of the doctor title, the prohibition to practice, and expulsion from Germany, it says as an unworthy human being who is equal to Jews and Czechs. The Kreis physicians' leader, however, was in favor of me, and I can thank his efforts that the whole matter during the course of time died down. The lack of physicians played a not unimportant role in this, to be sure.
Q. Witness, how long did this persecution last?
A. Well, these events happened more or less simultaneously and some of them, of course, one after the other, but on the whole towards the end of 1940 approximately, I had no longer any of these unpleasant experiences. The cause was probably that other persons now again became the target of persecution of the party.
The offices more or less calmed down and above all the events of the war probably guided the people who were against me, as well as the party, the Gestapo, and the SD, and turned their attention away from me. In the meantime I had learned how one has to behave, how one has to camouflage oneself and when one can talk and when one has to be quiet. In this way I had a seeming rest finally.
Q. Witness, were you politically about in the same position as the expert for the Prosecution who appeared here, Professor Leibbrandt?
A. The statements of Professor Leibbrandt were very interesting for me because they showed an absolute parallel. He also is an Aryan and he was persecuted under the Nurnberg laws only because his wife was Jewish and in my case the children were Jewish. In addition, the confiscation of my x-ray apparatus I regarded formerly as a personal chicanery, but due to the statements of Professor Leibbrandt I realized that this was a measure which was taken against all pacifists, socialists, and liberals, all physicians who thought that way, and that this was a wide-spread action.
Q. Witness, what form did your life take in general now after the occupation of the Sudetenland?
A. I continued my practice in Kometau and due to all of these experiences I was happy, as after I had concluded my medical activities I could withdraw to my farm. Thus on the whole I lived and on this farm I Planted about 2,000 fruit trees and devoted myself to the growing of plants. Since I turned my back on the city on the one hand I had my peace; on the other hand the connection with the farm, which was five kilometers away, was difficult because the other physicians were given gasoline but the NSDAP prevented me from getting gasoline. Thus during the night at 20 degrees below zero, centigrade, I had to go to my apartment on a bicycle. On about 24 January 1942 I received the news that on the 28th of January I had to be drafted into the army.
Approximately, on the 25th or 26th of January my former wife called me on the telephone from Prague and requested me to help her because she was supposed to be sent to a concentration camp. I did not know how I could help her, but, of course, I promised her to come to Prague the next morning and we made an appointment in the cafe Daliburka.
When I made the preparations on my car in the evening for the trip to Prague the next day, a man in a dark uniform was in front of my door and asked to speak to me. He collar was open so that I could not see what insignia he had. He told me that the telephone conversation with my wife had been overheard and that if I should help my wife or go to Prague the next day, I would be shot in my office.
Thereupon I had to send a telegram to my former wife with the words, "Our meeting tomorrow impossible", and I signed it with the name of her sister because I could no longer risk putting my name on the telegram.
On the 27th of January I then went to my new office. A very shocking experience happened to me then. I received the farewell letter of a living dead person. My divorced wife wrote to me, "In memory of better days I do not want to leave the world without" -- and then she returned the first present I had ever given her. I answered her with a letter which was eighteen pages long because this sad experience meant for me a complete reconciliation. Whether she received the letter I do not know because I don't know for sure when she was sent to a concentration camp. So I assumed that on the same day that I was drafted into the Army my divorced wife was sent to a concentration camp; I don't know to which one.
Now, the following situation had resulted. I, without any freedom of movement, was with the Army. My wife in a concentration camp, I did not know where, and my children alone in England; I did not know where they were either. With what feelings under those circumstances I was in the Army, I do not have to describe here.
THE PRESIDENT: Counsel, it is almost time for the morning recess. I would assume that this biographical narration of the defendant Pokorny will be nearly concluded, will it not, outside of his military experiences?
DR. HOFFMANN: Mr. President, I have almost concluded my questions. I now, after the recess, want to submit a number of affidavits to support the statements of the witness Pokorny.
THE PRESIDENT: Very well. I would ask the interpreters a question. Referring to the document presented to the Tribunal yesterday, NO-2513 which was marked prosecution's identification 523, I would ask the interpreters if they have made any further study of the letters which are handwritten at the head of that document, and if so, what is the result of their study?
INTERPRETER WARTEN3ERG: Your Honor, the letters are V-r-s-t-b, Verstorben, the German word which means died.
THE PRESIDENT: Very well. Thank you. The Tribunal will now be in recess.
(Recess was taken)
THE MARSHAL: The Tribunal is again in session.
THE PRESIDENT: Counsel may proceed.
DR. HOFFMAN: Your Honors, I should now like to begin with the submission of affidavits from my Document Book 1. I should like to point out that by mistake an exhibit number is entered in the document books. These numbers will not be correct.
The first document Pokerny No. 1 - I shall offer the affidavit of the sister of the defendant, Olga Hensel. It is on page 1. This will be Exhibit No. 1. I should like to read a few passages from this affidavit. On page 1 the second paragraph reads:
"I am the defendant Dr. Adolf Pokorny's sister. I was born on 17 April 1885 in Theresienstadt in Czechoslovakia. We have no other brothers or sisters.
"Our father was a military official with the rank of lieutenant colonel in the Austria of that time. We movedabout a good deal within the Austro-Hungarian monarchy owing to my father's frequent transfers. We have lived in Dalmatia, Herzegovina, Bosnia, Galicia, and Bohemia. In this way we became acquainted with many peoples and languages. Aside from his profession my father spent a great deal of time on botany and was very much interested in agriculture. He had graduated from the Agricultural College and therefore retained a certain freedom of motion. We learned at this wish, supported by our frequent change of residence, aside from German and Czech, the Serbian-Croatian and Italian languages.
"My brother was drafted into the Austro-Hungarian army in 1914 and returned in 1918. He disliked going to war and returned a fully convinced pacifist and anti-militarist. Apparently the experiences of the war 1914-1918 also moved him to become a doctor, to help suffering humanity in this way."
In the same affidavit I should like to read on page 2, the second paragraph on page 2:
"My brother wanted to finish his medical studies as soon as possible and therefore worked very hard and intensively. For professional and humanitarian reasons he enjoyed the particular support of important Prague professors, such as Professor Biedl and Ghon.
He finally became assistant to Professor Kreibich in which capacity he also did scientific work.
"He strongly disliked anti-semitic excesses and did not participate in the riots against Professor Steinherz at that time, which caused special comment as he had been suggested as lecturer. Apart from this he married a colleague in Prague, Miss Lilly Weil, who was Jewish. As a result of the situation at the University of Prague at that time he also refused the position of lecturer, as in these circumstances one did not dare to appoint him as lecturer owing to the views of certain student groups. In 1925 therefore he went to Komotau as a doctor and accepted a position in the hospital.
"Our contact after this remained very close despite the distance that separated us, as we understand each other very well to this day owing to our joint pleasant experiences in the home of our parents.
"I frequently visited my mother, who lived with my brother in Komotau and in this way maintained the personal contact with my brother and his wife, who lived in another apartment in Komotau."
THE PRESIDENT: Counsel, it does not seem to the Tribunal necessary that you read these documents which are simply repetitious in so far as the testimony of the witness, the defendant Pokorny, himself, is concerned. We have the documents before us and they are in evidence and will be considered, but so far this affidavit is simply repeating what the witness has himself said. It is not reasonable to suppose that this will be denied by the prosecution as to the history of his past life. I don't imagine that it will be, but if it is you may then bring further evidence. Read such portion of the affidavit that will be helpful to the Tribunal, but I would not encumber the record with matter that is merely repetitious.
DR. HOFFMAN: Very well.
Then as Pokorny Document No. 2 I offer, on page 6, an affidavit by Georg Baierle, who is now in Munich. This document will be Exhibit 2.
The affiant has know the defendant for years and he repeats what the defendant Pokorny has already said about his life history and his attitude.
The next document is an affidavit by Dr. Rosa Schipek on page 8.
This will be Exhibit No. 3. I should like to read only a few brief passages from this document:
"I have known Dr. Adolf Pokorny since the fall of 1917. At that time he was a soldier but had obtained leave to carry on his study of medicine. Together with him and some other colleagues (including Dr. Fritz Fischer, who later became Chief Surgeon of the Ophthalmological Clinic in Leipzig, and the present professor of ophthalmology in Bern, Dr. Hans Goldmann) I prepared myself for the examination for the doctor's degree and so I became more acquainted with him than with other fellow students from the lecture room. As a personality he was beyond reproach, a pleasant and helpful colleague, and most popular on account of his kind and cheerful nature. After completion of his term of studies he engaged himself in the field of dermatology and very soon became assistant physician at the clinic of Professor Kreibich. Up until the time of his mar riage to a student of roentgenology, we met at least once a week after the meetings of the Medical Association.
He always remained the same; he never aimed at any position of outward distinction."
Then I offer an affidavit by Antonie Mueller which is on page 10. This will be Exhibit No. 4. I received this affidavit unsolicited as indicated by the introduction. It says:
"Through radio and newspaper reports it has come to my knowledge that one of the physicians indicted before the Allied Military Tribunal in Nuernberg is Dr. Adolf Pokorny who, born in Vienna, lived last in Komotau in the Sudeten district where he had his permanent residence.
As I have known Dr. Pokorny since the year 1928, I consider it my duty to give you as his defense counsel a brief account of his previous private and political life, requesting you to use my statements for his defense if you find them to be in the interest of Dr. Pokorny."
The next document is an affidavit of a certain Julius Strauss on page 12. This will be Exhibit No. 5. Strauss worked on the farm of the defendant Pokorny. He was a miner by trade. He can give testimony which is not influenced by social or other considerations. The affidavit mentions the treatment of a Pole who worked on the farm of Dr. Pokorny. He also says that Pokorny did not belong to the NSDAP.
Then I offer the affidavit of Mrs. Marie Helmer on page 14. This will be Exhibit No. 6. Mrs. Helmer was a patient of the defendant Pokorny for a long time. They discussed conditions in the Sudetenland after the occupation and in this affidavit she has set down what she know about the subject.
Then I should like to offer an affidavit by a certain Karl Hans Mueller on page 16. This will be Exhibit No. 7. Mueller speaks of the general treatment of Dr. Pokorny after the occupation of the Sudetenland and he repeats what Dr. Pokorny said on the witness stand.
I also offer an affidavit by Dr. Franz Peiker on page 18 which will be Exhibit No. 8. I should like to read two paragraphs from this affidavit because they have not been discussed yet. The affidavit reads:
"I have personally known Dr. Adolf Pokorny, who was residing at Rott on the Lech, since January 1945. Dr. Pokorny was known to me by name since September 1940. At that time I was for six weeks troop physician at Komotau, and Dr. Pokorny was known to me in connection with the fact that no patients with skin or venereal diseases were to be sent to him for treatment because he had, as it was called at that time, 'not a clean record' politically.
"Ever since I made the personal acquaintance of Dr. Pokorny, I have esteemed and respected him both as men and as physician. Our relations became friendly and intimate from the day when Dr. Pokorny learned from me that I, too, did not belong to the NSDAP and the former Sudeten German party of Henlein. During subsequent numerous political discussions Dr. Pokorny expressed to me frankly his democratic convictions and did not hide his anti-national socialistic attitude. From our many intimate conversations I also know of his continuous difficulties with the local peasant leader and other 'leaders' at Komotau which were due to his political attitude."
The next affidavit is by Mrs. Ilse Renatus on page 20. This will be Exhibit 9. This is a very brief affidavit. Therefore, I should like to read the essential paragraphs:
"I am surprised to see Dr. Pokorny - who lived as a sub-tenant in ny house from 26 June 1942 until the end of 1944 - in the dock, when in view of his political attitude I should have expected to see him in quite a different place. Dr. Pokorny was surely anything but a National Socialist. When we listened to radio music in the evenings, I had to turn off the radio the minute news or other political reports came through. He did not want to listen to any of that humbug. I was surprised when he in his position as an officer expressed very freely to his wife and to me his adverse opinion of the Hitler regime. Jokingly I repeatedly told him that some day he would be dragged forth from our nice sofa corner and be put in jail if he did not keep his mouth shut. His answer was always, 'Renate, you won't betray me.'" Then I offer an affidavit of Oswald Flachsel on page 31 which will be Exhibit No. 10.